SULEKHA PUBLISHERS HANAMKONDA © Author First Edition 1991 Copies 500 . Price Is. 240/» For Copies :' . Suit Y. Shazada HJMo. 5/1009/3 * E Vidyaranyapttri HANAMKONDA 506.009 WarangaL A.P. INDIA €> 08721 - 89290 Printed at HimaMflcki Fhotwmposers. & Offset Printers Old Municipality Road, Haiiankonda 506 001. tyuuut- ^ancHtd, Smi. Seet^vutmet*H**M & £atc “TKaddalC cv/uy tau$6t me (6e j4lfc6a6e£ ami AeanMix^ ACKNOWLE35 5EMEMTS At the very outset, I should like to acknowledge my insurmountable debt to my parents, Smt Satyavati and Late Ramakoieshwer Rao for this life whatever its worth; to mv elder sister. Late Smt. K. Revathi Devi whose love for me could not be reciprocated in kind; to my numerous Mends and well-wishers for their concern for me; and to my Guru Sri K. Swananda Murty who graciously and steadily stays with me through all my trials and tribulations. 1 express my deep sense of gratitude to Prof. Sarojini Regard formerly Head, Dept, of History and Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences ■ Osmania University, Hyderabad for treating me with lots of affection and care. The present work is mostly based on my doctoral thesis which she was so kind enough to supervise. I owe my sincere thanks to Indian Council of Social Science' Research, Southern Regional Centre, Hyderabad and the U.G.C Unit, Osmania University, Hyderabad for financial assistance to visit places for data collection. I am also beholden to the A.P. State Archives, Hyderabad for awarding me part-time fellowship during 1974-76. I am grateful to the University Grants Commission, New Delhi, for subsidising the cost of publication through its Unit in Kakatiya University, Warangal. I shall be failing in my duty .if I do not acknowledge the good¬ will of the authorities of the A.P. State Archives, Hyderabad; the Tamilnadu Archives, Madras; the National Archives, New Delhi; and various.libraries and institutions who have readily agreed to my request for permission to consult the records and to collect relevant material. At this hour of satisfaction, I should like to remember my friends Sri D. Swadesh, Dr. C. Madan Mohan, Dr. P. Mallikarjuna Rao; and my wife, Sharada and my daughters - Hema, Sandhya and Sushma, but for whose inspiration the work would not have seen the light of the day. Lastly, I thank M/s Himabindu Photocomposer & Offset Printers, Hanamkonda for the care -and pains they have taken in bringing out this work. CONTENTS Introduction i to vi One : The Northern Sarkars 1 Two : Northern Sarksar Under The First Nizam (1724-48) 31 Three : The French in the Sarkars 51 Four : Expulsion of the French 70 Five : Transfer of Northern Makars 84 Six : Native Resistance 124 Seven : Beginnings of the Raj 154 Eight : Conclusion 167 Select Bibliography 174 INTRODUCTION sub-continent dissolved themselves into a smart and peculiar * Andhra mould* culture. The economic growth arid cultural achievements attracted many an outside adventurer to grab the political power by force and could hold the region as long as he was able to resist another. Perhaps, these characteristics might have prevented the emergence of any empire or a kingdom to the magnitude of that of the Satavahanas or the Kakatiyas or the Vijayanagara with the seat of power within its central region. Those who ruled this region with their capitals situated within itself like the Iksvakus, the Visimukuiidins, Andhra Between The Empires the Chalukyas of Vengi or the Reddis were only splinter lines of major dynasties of Satavahanas, the Chalukyas of Badami and the Kakatiyas re¬ spectively with their power centres outside the region. Though these minor rulers were spectacular contributors to the rich' cultural heritage of the Teiugu-speaking people, they were politically insignificant in an empire building and never found it necessary or worth while, any territorial expan¬ sion into the hinterland. On the other hand, the coastal power involved in personal rivalry based on vanity, jealousy and false prestiges and mutual bickerings often resulting into cut-throat intemecenary war among them¬ selves or giving way to an adventurer from the hinter-land.. Further the political history of the region testifies the prevalence of chaotic situation during the interval of two succeeding empires from outside the region, one receding while the other was emerging. The rise of lesser kingdoms like Iksvakus, Vishunukundins, Brihatpa- laynas and Anandagotrajas between the Satavahana and the Chaiukya empires and similar political situation between the Kakatiyas and the Vijay- anagara empires stand enough testimony to the political dynamics of the region suggesting an inbuilt mechanism with disintegrating forces operating through the successive empires by cutting short the life of one and preparing a favourable ground for the other. To understand these dynamics, an objective analyses of the political conditions between any two empires gain significance and such study may reveal a fascinating account of the impact of ebbs and tides on coastal plains not only from the sea but from the hinterland, as well. While all the periods of interregnum between two successive major kingdoms or empires as the case may be from the Satavahanas down to that of the Mughals are seemingly similar in the Andhra country only varying in the efficacy of governance or span of control, the gap between the Mughals and the British offers uniqueness in the sense that the British power sought to setting Its feet on the coast as a superior maritime power and to pressing the native ruler, the Nizam, to pull himself out of the coastal plains and thereby entenchlng himself in a land-locked country. Besides this, the British to the sustenance of the British grip on the region for such long period and; j ruf 1/ uu~l.hu n ater-cnecfcs design control facilitatin| csiaousmucnt, expansion ana consolidation 01 ineir power in India. In the transfer of power from the natives to foreign eompan> Zamindars of the region played a decisive role after the death of the he relations bet--' e: vizianagaram, cast th*- Sarkars ‘-rough: ;ke Zamindary under his direct marommem 5 m me Zamindary v,a restored to Naganna, brother cf 7c . ;c:^ramar.a n ""35 vCm enjoyed the position till his death in 1745, H° ..a succeeded by his vjimge: mother Kodandaram (1746-1791) during v ueh period, the French had a short span of direct management of the Estate Rom IT’S 1-59. After the expulsion of the French, Kodandaram obtained his Zamindary. Since ce was not in good terms with Hassan All Khan, the then Amildar of the sarkars, he lost his Zamindary and fled to Kondavidu. However, he was appointed Renter of this area on the recommendations of General Caillaud, the English Captan; camping at Ellore, to help Hassan Ai Khan. He earned a good name as a land¬ lord for the prompt payments of peshkmh (annual remittances to the State treasury) 52 viii) Charmahal The Charmahal comprised' of four mahals ( paraganas ) namely, Vinnakota, Gudivada, Kaiadindi, and B'ethemcherla. These four mahals^ were granted in 1763, to two brothers, Kamadana Appavya and Kamadana Rayanna, who were managers of NuzHdu Zamindary. Ramachander Razu,the Zamindar of Nuziyidu, granted these four mahals to his managers for their services to the Zamindary as already referred to under Nuzividu. Since these two brothers were not discharging their obligations with the English they were asked to produce a surity from .any Zamindar to continue their possession of Char Mahals while three-year settlements were being made by the Company with the Zamindars of the Northejn Sarkars in 1771. KaMindi TMmpafM Razu, the Rajah of Mogaliturru, stood as surity for the prompt payments from CharmaM. But, by the year 1774, the family were indebted to the Rajah of Mogilituiru to the tone of 84,000 pagodas .. 53 For having fallen in arrears of the peshkmh f the family was removed from the .management of Zamindary, a number of times. In 1813, the Zamindary was reduced to Do-mahal (two paraganas ) when the Zamindary was put to auction for the recovery of dues. The Zamindar .of Myiavaram purchased Betamcherla for 7,125 pagodas while Kaiadindi was sold to the ■ Zamind ar ofBezwadafor 3,525 pagodas. The Kamadana family could retain only two paraganas , Gudivada and Vinnakota. The Zamindar, Kamadana Sobhanadri, died in 1820, on account of which the succession to the 52 Ibid. 53 Ibid: pp. 330 & 331; Circuit Committee, Report on Nmividu mud Charmahal ( 2786) 14 Andhra Between The Empires Zamindaiy was disputed by Ms sons and daughters, numbering 10 and 6 respectively. Finally, the English purchased the Zamindary for Rs.3,00,000/- and granted an annuity of Rs.500/- to Kamadana Papayya, the eldest son of Sobhanadri, in 1843. 54 ix) Mylavaram The Zamindary was formed out of Havaii lands* under Kondapalli pamgam and Surineni Venkatapathi was appointed Mmiazar (Renter) after the fall of Qutb-shahis of Golkonda, by an Imperial Sanad from the Emperor, Aurangazeb. His successor, Surineni Narayanudu, assumed the title, ‘Zamindar* and built a fort at Mylavaram taking advantage of the chaotic situation prevailing In the region prior to the formation of the Hyderabad State in 1724. Narayanudu was succeeded by Ms nephew, Venkatapathi Razu ( Rayaningar ) who was expelled by Rustum Khan, the Deputy to the Nawab of Northern Sarkars, in 1734. However, the Zamindar was reinstated later. The Zamindary was confirmed to Surineni Burra Venkatachelam in 1746. 55 But, the Zamindary 1 could not flourish owing to internal disputes and frequent failures to clear the arrears to the English. x) Bezwada The Zamindary was granted to KalvakoIanuThirupathi Rao in 1731. But, the family became extinct by 1764 when the Zamindary passed into the hands of pedda Buchanna Rao and Achanna Rao as joint Zamindars. 56 In 1788, Rama Rao and Chenna Rao, the Zamindars, failed to pay the arrears of revenue to the English and even refused to present -themselves before the Council of Masulipatam. So, Lt. Col Penderghast sent a detach¬ ment from Kondapalli with Lt Lawrence. On the approach of the detach¬ ment, Rama Rao fled to Khammam and Chenna Rao to Mylavaram. However, 'Rama Rao was reinstated on Ms submission to the English authority in 1789. .Later, Gienna Rao was also restored to Ms Zamindary in 1791. ' 54 Ibid: p. 331; * Haveli lands were kept onder the direct management of the central MUtority. . 55 Ibid: pp. 333 & 334 pp.334. . The Northern Sartors 15 But, the successors of the above ccAd not hold the Zamindary properly due to mismanagement and the Zamlnoary was attached for arrears in 1830. The Zamindary was later *©Id out on 19 June 1346 and the Government (the English) itself purchased it for a nominal sum of Rs. 3000/ - as 44 there were no bidders”. The only heir, a minor widow, was granted an allowance of Rs. 150/- per month. 56 A xi) Munagala The Munagala family belonged to the Reddy community. The Zamindary was an ancient one dating back to the times of Reddy-rule in that region after the fall of the Kakatiyas in the first quarter of the 14 Century. B ut the ancient line became extinct when the last of the line, Garlapati lyyanna Desai, died in 1693. He was survived by his wife, Subhadramma who transferred the Zamindary to her brother, Kissara Mukundappn. 57 At the time of permanent assessment ( 1803 ) the Zamindar was Venkata M.arasimha Rao. The Zamindary was kept under Court of Wards between 1814 -1818 due to the death of Kodanda Ramayya who succeeded Venkata Narasimha Rao in 1803. In 1818, the Zamindary was restored to Kodanda Ramayya's son, Venkata Narasimha Rao 1L He died in 1835 leaving .an adopted son, Kodanda Ramayya 31. After the death of Kodanda Ramayya II, the Zamindary was passed on to his daughter, Laxmamma, who died as a widow in 1854. 58 ill) Lingagiri The Mantripragada family of Lingagiri were Brahmins by.caste. The founder of the family was Mantripragada Maliapparazu. 'An Imperial Sanad from Aurangazeb was granted in 1690 to Rangasayi, the grandson . of Maliapparazu, and Singarazu, the second son of.Maliapparazu, to manage the Zamindary jointly. 59 The 'English made permanent settlement with Jogayya and Narahari belonging to the parallel lines of families to whom the Imperial Sanad was granted to be joint Zamindars. 60 . 56 A Ibid: 57 Ibid: p. 335 58 Ibid: p. 336 59 Ibid: p. 337 m Md: p. 337 16 Andhra Between The Empires Besides the above .mentioned Zamindaries, there were a few more minor Zamindaries which were less significant, Vissaimapet was managed by a brahmin family, Varigonda . Valiur was managed by one Bommadevara Maganna who purchased the Haveli lands of Valiur in 1803. 61 The Sarkar of Murtuzanagar contained five districts and 12 villages. The Fort of Kondavidu had strategic importance. The details of these Sarkars may also be found in the Jumma Kaumil as appended to the Fifth Report of the Select Committee on the affairs of East India Company, with a little variance. According to this* Jumma KaumiT , the total revenue of these Sarkars excluding the Zamindary free holds, Estates, and alienation to Brahmin and peons was 26,51,122 1/2 in Madras Pagodas or Rs.1,06,04,490, But, according to the unpublished records(Dafter-biwani Section) in the State Archives, Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad*- the- Sarkars yielded a revenue of 24 lakhs at the time of their being granted to the French. The revenue had gone down to Rs. 6,40,000 or 1,60,000 Varahas when the Sarkars were taken over by the East India Company in 1766. 62 The considerable fall out in the revenues of Northern Sarkars indi¬ cates the political unrest in the region during the period under study. 3. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The area that constituted the Northern Sarkars formed a part of the Kingdom of Kakatiyas for more than two centuries till 1323 A.D. when the Kakatiya kingdom was overthrown by the.Tughlaks. Within a span of two decades, two kingdoms, viz. Vijayanagara and Bahamanis were founded in South India. Petty principalities at Vizianagaram, Rajahmundry and Kon¬ davidu were established by the Reddies where Telugu culture flourished till the beginning of sixteenth century when the whole of Deccan was brought under the effective sway of the Qutb-shahis of Golkonda. 63 ■ The economic advancement and prosperity during the times of Kakatiyas,Reddies, Vijayanagara Kings and theQutbshahis, was undoubtedly 61 Ibid: p. 338 62 Sarojiui Regani: Nizm-British Relations, p. 72 63 Abdul Mazeed Siddiqui: History of Golkonda (First edition 1956) p. 7 of Introduction The Northern Sarkars 17 great. According to Nicolo Conti and Abdur Ruzak, pearls, rubies, emeralds and diamonds where sold openly in the bazars . 64 Till as late as 18th century, even common man had a few luxuries, 55 The fall of Golkonda in 1 So * AJD. brought the territory under the Moghal rule. But the Mughal suzerainty was ineffective and the local Zamindars enjoyed unfettered powers. The death of the Emperor Aurangazeb in 1707 marked the decline of the grand Moghal Regime. The successors of Aurangzeb were weak and the central government became ineffective over its Subas. Mubariz Khan, the Emperor’s nominee to the Deccan Suba was defeated in the field of Shaker- Kheda in Berar by Mir Qamuruddin Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah I in the year 1724. 66 The Mughal Emperor had gracefully accepted the inevitable and confirmed Nizam-ul-Mulk in the Deccan SubedarL 67 Though the Nizam was in name a military Governor of the Mughal, for all practical purposes, he was the de-facto Head of the State. His state comprised of the whole of Deccan and the Carnatic. Soon after his assumption of power in .the Deccan, he had to face the internal disorder since Khwaja Ahmed. Khan, son of Mubariz Khan, had instigated the Nawab and Zamindars to rise .in revolt against the Nizam. 68 The Zamindari system was an age old and unique institution in India since the beginning of the Muslim rule. The Zamindars in India had heriditary right to their territory and enjoyed certain amount of political, economic and judicial power. The system survived many imperial dynasi- ties for local administration. The overlord was appointing amildars or Nawabs over these Zamindars only to collect tributes due to the suzerain. The Zamindars were seizing every opportunity to defy their overlord whenever there was a change of government in. the capital. If the overlord was too weak to control them, the Zamindars declared themselves independent. To check the disorder in Deccan, Asaf Jah. I divided his territory into four Nawabships; Arcot, Kumool, Rajahmundry and Chicacoie, and subdi¬ vided them into 24 paraganas . The admnistration of Rajahmundry and Chicacoie was entrusted to Nawab Anvaruddin (he was later made Nawab of Arcot) who had in his service an able administrator by name Rustumkhan. 64 H. Sewell: Forgotten Empire, pp. 8& 9 65 B.V. Narayana Swamy Naidu: Economic conditions of Madras in ISth Century. 66 Yusuf Hussain Khan: NizamulMylkAsafJahl (1936), pp. 157 - 165. 67 Sarojini Regani:Opcit: p. 1 68 Yusuf Hussain Khan: OpciL 18 Andhra Between The Empires 4 COMING OF EUROPEANS The advent of Europeans has changed the Indian political scene to a greater extent. The first of these were the Portuguese who, being the discoverers of a new sea-route to India by circumnavigating the Cape of Good-Hope, pretended an exclusive right to trade with India and defended their right by force. The Portuguese first settled in Masulipatam In 1606, the Dutch in 1608 and the English negotiated a treaty in 1611 with the Nawab of Golkonda for trade privileges. 69 A pilot voyage of the Dutch adventurer, Florence Debyone from London to Masulipatnam realised 218% profit. 70 The reign of Henry VIII witnessed the most adventurous spirit of navigation in England and the English were the earliest to follow the Spaniards in visiting the ‘New World’. Robert Thome, an English merchant “presented a project to Henry VIII, about the year 1527, the accomplishment of which he imagined would place his countrymen in a situation no less enviable than that of the Portuguese.he supposed that his countrymen might reach the same part of the globe by sailing to the North West, and thus, obtain a passage at once expeditious and undisputed”. 71 But many attempts in this direction were met with disappointment. Meanwhile, “the Dutch set-aside the pretentious right of the Portuguese by sending four ships to trade with India by the Cape of Good-Hope in 1595, while the English fluctuated between desire and execution in this Important enterprise”. 72 Some enterprising merchants formed themselves Into an Association in 1599 with an initial capital of£ 30,1331. 6 s. 8d. off 101 shares and petitioned to Queen Elizabeth I, for a warrant to export bullion, and also for Charter of privileges. 73 But, the consent of the' Government was obtained towards the end of the year 1600. Thus, a new Company to trade in the East was bom. ' ■ 69 I^nka Sundarain: British Begimmgs in 70 Ibid: 71 James Mill: History of British India Vol. I (1820) Lon. Second Edition., p. 5 72 Ibid: p. 19 73 Ibid: p. 19; The initial capital of the Company was $ 70,000.., Romesh Dutt- Economic History of British India, 3rd Edition, 1908, p. 293 The Northern Sarkars 19 The British East India Company established its first settlement in the Northeren Sarkars when their ship, “Globe”, anchored at Masulipatam in Jan, 161L 74 The English built Fort. St. George in Madras in 1639, bought the island of Bombay from King Charles II and removed their factories to that place in 1687, and established their Bengal Headquarters in Calcutta in 1700. 75 Thus, Northern Sarkars claim much significance In the history of British India by serving as the launching pad for British Imperialism. Since ages, Masulipatam was an Important port on the Coromandel Coast and it facilitated the trade with South-East Aslan Countries. “If Bengal deserves to be considered the richest jewel in the British Crown, it may be observed of the Northern Sarkars that though only forming a cluster of lesser magnitude, they give additional value with a superior lustre to the royal diadem as constituting the only portion annexed constitutionally without the incogruity of formal participation, except the Zamindars of Benares, in free, avowed, -undivided sovereignty” 76 The British East India-Company could not make much progress in India during the seventeenth century owing to several causes. England had undergone constitutional experimentation and the political conditions were not favourable to the Company to make a headway in Commerce. The -in¬ consistent policy of the changing govemements granted Charters to a number of commercial concerns to trade with India. Besides this, France had entered into the field of overseas commerce and rose like a meteor under the direct patronage of the French Government. TheFrench made rapid advances in India. : The bitter rivalry between the French and the English was deep-rooted and backed by national, commercial and colonial interests. Despite these odds, the British Company was maintaining its settle¬ ments in Vizagapatam, Ingeram, Masulipatam, Bandarlanka and Modapol- lam in Northern Sarkars. The Godolphine’s award had put an end to the rivalries among various British Companies trading with the East, United East India company was 74 Aitchison: Treaties, Engagements and Sanads, Voi X, pp. 8-16; Account of the War in India, pp. 71- 76. ; Fort St. George Records of: Diary & Const (Milit. Dept.) for 1752., pp. 286-88 & 290-96. 75 Romesh Dutt: Economic History of British India, pp. 2&3 76 James Grant: Opcit 20 Andhra Between The Empires established in 1711 and by 1712* all the divisions between the 'Old' and ‘New* interests had died down. 77 This had a great Impact over the British affairs In India. 5. FOREIGN SETTLEMENTS IN NORTHERN SARKARS I) The English Settlements a) Masulipatam The English activities on the Coromandel can be traced back to 1611 A.D. When their ship, ''Globe” captained by Hippon, touched the shore off Nizamapatnam (Patapalli) first and then Masulipatam. 78 The factories were established simultaneously in. the year 1621. But, due to some pressures from the local officials of the King of Golkonda, the factory was shifted from Masulipatam to Armoogam. 79 As a result of numerous representations made to the Sultan , of Golkonda, the English succeeded in procuring a Firman from the Sultan in I632. 80 According to this Firman , the English were permitted not only to trade at the port of Masulipatam, but also to trade at other ports in the Kingdom of Golkonda. But, the English were required to import Persian horses and 'rareties' from Europe. It was also made obligatory that the Sultan of Golkonda was to enjoy the first preferential selection of all their imports. The Firman ’ is considered to be the first written sanction from a ruler in India allowing the English the right to trade on the Coromandel Coast. So, it is known as Golden Firman . This was followed by another Firman in 1634-35 granting a few more concessions to .the English merchants. 81 Due to political unrest on their homefront followed by unhealthy com¬ petition with compatriots, the trade with India during 17th century could not prosper. Turning the situation from bad to worse, the Emperor Aurangzeb captured Golkonda in 1689. Since he was not favourably inclined towards 77 Lucy Sutherland: East India Company in 18th. Century Politics.(Oxford) 1952, pp. 14- 15 78 Henry Morris: Op.cit, p. 177 79 Board of Revenue Records: Appendices to the Estates Land Act Committee Report. Appendix II, p. S 80 Henry Morris: Op.cit, p. 180 81 Ibid: p. 180. The Northern Sarkars 21 the European merchants, the English had a tough time till they could pursuade him to grant a Cowle (permission) for the factory at Masulipatam in 1690. 8 * But, the Masulipatam factory had a checkered fate. The French occupied the factory in 1750. Despite their representations to the Nizam, the English could not get back their factory. Masulipatam along with Yanam and Karikal was formally ceded to the French by the Nizam, Muzaffar Jung, Salabat Jung in 1751. The possession of the area by the French was again confirmed by the successor of Muzaffar Jung. Salabat J ung further added the surrounding areas of Masulipatam, namely. Mizampatam, Alammanur in Krishna District and Kondavidu and Narsapur in Godavari District. 83 On account of Bussy’s influence in the Nizam’s Court, the English did not succeed in their attempts to get redressai of their grievances from the Nizam. The position of the English became worse when Salabat Jung ceded the Northern Sarkars to the French in 1753. 84 In 1759, the English under the Command of Col. Forde joining their hands with Ananda Eazu, the Rajah of Vizianagaram, seized Masulipatam and expelled the French. Thus, Masulipatam was recaptured by the English and their possession was confirmed by the Nizam, Salabat Jung, soon after the expulsion of the French. 85 Subsequently, the Imperial Firman of 1765, granting the Northern Sarkars to the English, had further strengthened their hold in the region. 86 b) Nizampatam (Patapalli) Nizaxnpatam was among the earliest English settlements on the Eastern Coast and because of its proximity to Masulipatam, both the settlements had equally suffered till the Sarkars were cleared off the French by 1759. 87 82 Fort St George Records:' Board of Revenue: Appendices to the Estates Land Act Committee Report, Appendix 11, p. 8. 83 Malleso n: History of the French in India., p. 273 84 Sarojim Regani: Op.cit, p. 71 85 Dodwell iDupleixandClive; p. 178; Lanka Sundaram: Revenue Administration in Northern Sarkars, Journal of Andhra Historical Society, V ol. VI, Part: 2., Oct 1931, p. 93 86 Aitchison: Op.cit, pp. 22,25 87 Ibid: 22 Andhra Between The Empires e) Veervasaram The English established their factory in 1634 at Veeravasaram about 8 miles to the North of Marsapur port in Godavari District. The factory had suffered during the Fench occupation of Northern Sarkars (1753-1759). 88 d) Madhavajipalem The English settled their factory at Madhavajipalem (Madapollam or Metapallam) in Godavari District in 1679. The factory also suffered during the French occupation as was the case with Veeravasaram. 88 e) Vizagapatam The English procured V izagapatam (Vishakhapatnam) from the Sultan of Golkonda as a free gift and they built a factory and a fort in 1683. 89 But, before long, Golkonda was captured by Aurangzeb in 1689 and Vizagapatam factory was captured under the orders of Aurangzeb in 1690. The English who were staying in the Fort were brutally killed. 90 However, Aurangzeb granted a fresh Cowle for Vizagapatam permit¬ ting the English to reestablish their factory and also to fortify the town in 1690. 91 As a result of Holcombe’s affair, 91 the factory was blockaded in 1710, but, the factory was, later, restored to the English in 1716. The Factory, once again, fell a prey to the French in 1757, Rajah Ananda Razu of Vizianaga- ram captured the factory by expelling the French and handed over the factory to the English in 1758. 92 f) Injeram The English established their factory at Injeram in 1708 on the Eastern branchof the river Godavari. But, the factory was closed within a short period 88 Fort St George Records: Board of Revenue, Appendices to the Estates Land Act Committee Report., Appendix. 11, p. 9 89 Henry Morris: Op.dt, p. 193. ■ 90 Ibid: 91 Ibid: Holcombe's affair is discussed in die same chapter under sub-title: Initial difficulties of the English. 92 Fort St George Records: Op.cit, p. 10 The Northern Sarkars 23 due to unfavourable circumstances and revived later in 1722. Like all other English Settlements, it was also under the French possession during 1757- 59. 93 g) Bandamurlanka It is 18 miles east of Narsapur. The factories were established at Bandamurlanka and Nellapalli in. 1751. Both were taken by Bussy in 1757 only to be recaptured by Col. Forde in 1759. 94 These settlements and factories were managed by the Residents who were appointed by the Company. They acted independent of the Collectors when the Company obtained the Sarkars from the Nizam. However, all the mercantile establishments of the East India Company were abolished in the year 1829. 95 . “In an average Rs.7 lakhs, was expended every year on the purchase of muslins and cloth through the above establishments. On some occassions, the disbursment rose upto 14 lakhs of Rupees. The abolition of factories had affected the development of the area. The main trade in cloth was superseded by the manufacturers of Europe and the flourshing trade of native weavers for which this part of India had attained a celebrity through out the world, was almost annihilated”. 96 ii) The Dutch Settlements The Dutch East India Company was established on March 20th, 1602. They captured Nagapatam from the Portuguese in 1658 and it became their chief settlement on the coast. They had their settlements at Sadras, Palakollu, Jagannathapuram and Bimilipatam. All .the Dutch possessions were ceded to the English by the Peace of Versailles in 1783 excepting their factories in Godavari District which were retained by the Dutch on the condition of paying a quit-rent to the East India Company. However, they were finally ceded to the English by 1804. 97 , 93 Ibid: 94 Ibid: 95 Henry Moms:Op.cit. p. 193 ' 96 Ibid: p. 194 97 Henry Morris: Op.cit; pp. 193 - 205 24 Andhra Between The Empires Mi) The French Settlements The French East India Company was set up in 1604. 98 But, it was only in 1669, Marcara, a Persian in the service of the French, obtained permission to set up a factory at Masulipatam. In 1693 , the French constructed a locality bv name Francepet in Masulipatam. They had another settlements se- tablished sometime before 1750 at Yanam. They lost all their settlements to the English when they were expelled from the Northern Sarkars in 1759. 99 6. INITIAL DIFFICULTIES OF THE ENGLISH IN THE NORTHERN SARKARS As things stand at the beginning of the 18th. century, the English Company was trying to get restored the privileges and trade concessions which 'they enjoyed during the Qutb-shahi rule. The English, while asking for the restoration of ancient privileges, requested for a grant of Divi Islands near Masulipatam which they wanted to develop as a good port for the benefit of the King and other merchants. They rented the following towns: Peruvanda and Wudapunda for Waltair Maikapuram .. Vizagapatam ... Rs. 900/-p.a. 500/-p.a. 90/-p.a. 3,372/-p.a. for which villages, the English merchants had to pay Rs. 4862/- into the Imperial treasury at Chicacole, every year. 100 The local Nawabs who were changing very frequently were demand¬ ing costly presents, money and ammunition from the British Company. And the local chiefs of the English factories were much worried about the grave consequences if their requests were not attended to. 101 The English were, '.thus, forced to express their inability to supply presents to all princes and their Naibs (Deputies) since they were ‘small’ merchants and ‘taking high risks for a little loss’. 102 98 Ibid: p. 194 "ibid: pp.205to207 100 Fort St George Records: Consultations: Public Dept., Vol.4Q. .Cons. Dt Jan 5th, 170S/17O9. 101 Ibid: Cons. Dt Jan 6th, 1709 pp. 1/2 102 Ibid The Northern Sorkars 25 In turn, the English were asked to serve the Empire by checking the pirates on the sea and to help the native government in arresting the King s enemies* or* to extend co-operation to the King’s officials on a number of issues. * The English were trying to procure a Firman from , the Mughal Emperor, Shah Afam, who was expected in the Deccan, through the interven¬ tion of Zuda Khan, Mughal Official. But, the Emperor changed his mind suddenly and returned to Delhi causing much disappointment to the Eng¬ lish. 104 However* to keep them in good humour, an assurance was given to the English by the Emperor, Shah Alam* to restore their ancient privileges, on -being allured of the costly presents consisting rareties from Europe. Hie English Company was so much concerned with the high inci¬ dence of road robberies as did the Imperial Government with the sea-piracy. They were very often complaining to the local officials and the administra¬ tors, but it was of no avail. 106 Even the presents to the Emperor could not be conducted safely. 107 Very often, the local Nawabs were taking the English Company to task for the misdeeds of their officials. It may not be out of place to mention, the case of Holcombe vs Fakrulla Khan, the Nawab of CMcacole, in this connection. Holcombe was a servant of the Company who took a personal loan of 6000 Pagodas from Fakrulla Khan through the intervention of Brahmin Vakil , Juggappa. As Holcombe died before he could repay the loan, the Nawab took a severe action by investing Vizagapatam. Under heavy physical pressure the English paid the Nawab his dues and, of course, 103 Ibid: p. 4 17., Cons. DL 4-1-1709, about sea-pirates; Ibid: p. 17, Cons. Dt. 17-1- 1709* about a request from the Mughal government to MU or imprison a rebel, Khan Bux; Ibid, p. is’ Cons. Dl 6-1-1709* a letter to Zulfikhar Khan on the above matters; Ibid: p. 106, Cons. Dt. May, 1709 a letter from the Imperial Courtto assist their deputy,Mir Mohammad, to procure certain things at Madras for the Emperor. 104 Ibid, p.ll, Dt Ian, J,; Cons. dL Ian. 12 & 21, Cons. Dt Jan, Dt. 15, p.31; Cons. Dl 16th Feb. p. 58; Cons . Dt 17th Feb. p. 66; and Cons. Dt. 19th May. p. 106. . 105 Ibid: Cons. Dt 5th Jan, 2,1709, p. 117 106 Ibid: Cons. Dl 4th Jan, 1709, p. 117 107 Ibid: Cons. Dt 2nd June* 1709, p. 128 26 Andhra Between The Empires collected the same from the personal effects of Mrs. Elizabeth, the widow of Holcombe. 108 Though the Mughal Government had lost all its vigour by now, it still pretended to control the foreign merchants in India. They were warned not to fight .in India when they were at war in Europe. The Mughal Government admonished the Dutch, the French and the English. Zuda Khan, the Mughal Governor in Bengal, had even attempted to draw up an agreement among the foreign companies to be peaceful in India despite the troubles in Europe. But, the English Governor at Calcutta, did not sign stating that he had to consult his sovereign and his employer. 109 Once the English had settled their affair with Fakrulla Khan, they expected good prospects of making large investments on the Eastern Coast. 110 The English were carefully watching the developments in the native Government. The death of the Emperor, Shah Alam in Lahore and the possible war of succession caused much anxiety to the English since all their attempts to get back the ancient privileges only brought them assurances from the Emperor. 111 Besides this, a fresh scramble for power was deterrent to their business. A Consultation on the humble petition of the merchants of 18th, Jan. 1712 would give a clear picture of the day.. “The troubles in the country are undoubtedly very great and we are not likely to see better times under the weak government, of the present Moghul and it is to be considered that the merchants risque.....money instead of the Company......up into the several country where the goods are made it must be allowed that they run a much greater hazard than ordinary both in sending up money and in bringing down their goods through.....petty governments with which they must keep a good correspondence which is not to be done without some expense.,these troub¬ lesome times the poligars being in arms to struggle for their liberty.” 112 108 Ibid:,Public Cons. Dl. 22 May, 1710, p. 70 and Cons. Dt. UDec. 1710, p. 200 and Cons. Dl 15 Dec. 1710, pp. 204/5 in Vol. 41 for the year of 1710; Public Cons. Dt. 5th Apr, 1711, p. 651; Cons. Dt. 6th Apr. pp. 67 & 78 and Cons. Dt 28th, June, p. 123 in Vol.42 of the year, 1711; Ibid: Vol.43 for the year 1712 t p. 217. 109 Ibid: Vol. 42, Yr. 1711. p. 92 110 Ibid: Pub. Cons., Dt: 28th May, 1711 111 Ibid: Pub. Cons., Dt: 3rd April, 1712; Vol. 43, pp. 104 /106 112 Ibid: Pub. Cons., Dt 18.1.1712; Vol. 43 for the year, 1712. (Partially damaged) The Northern Sarkars 27 The Emperor Bahadur Shah (Shah Alam) died on Feb 27,1712. He was survived by four sons, namely, Jahander Shah, Azimush Shan, Rafiush Shah and lahan Shah. There was little hope of a peaceful solution to the problem of succession to the Mughal throne. Jahander Shah, Rafiush Shan and Jahan Shah were in an agreement and united to defeat Azimush Shan, the favourite son of the Emperor deceased, who was then the Viceroy of Bengal and Bihar, They were successful in defeating Azimush Shan, but, they quarelled with one another and Jahander Shah emerged Victorious after Rafiush Shan and Jahander Shah were killed. Jahander Shah proclaimed ■himself the Emperor on March 29,1712, but, his accession to the throne was protested by Farukh Siyar, the second son of Azimush Shan, who had already arrived at Patna with a considerable force. Since most of the' Court Nobles were not happy with the irresponsible and indecent behaviour of the new Emperor, Jahander Shah, they deserted him one after the other and joined Farukh Siyar. Farukh. Siyar defeated Jahander Shah in the Battle of Agra, on Jan 10, 1713 and became Emperor with the help of Syed brothers, hi the following years, Syed brothers played a dominant role at the Centre as King¬ makers which caused further deterioration of Mughal power. 113 .. 7. THE GENISIS OF POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ZAMINDARS OF NORTHERN SARKARS AND THE ENGLISH As the central government had become weak, the local Zamindars, Amildars and Nawabs ascertained their power. The English began to win the favour of the Zamindars by cultivating intimate friendship with them and . pleasing them with costly gifts consisting of ‘rareties’ from Europe, Persia ■and China. The Chief of Vizagapatam informed the Council at Fort. St ■George.-on Nov 17,1712, that he had been obliged to present "Ananterauze’ (Anand Razu of Vizianagaram) and eventually to ‘some* other Rajahs to the tune of 170 Pagodas." 114 Since the fall of Qutb-shaMs of Golkonda, the Hindu Zamindars were not co-operative with the Muslim Amildars appointed by the Mughal Government The weakness of the centre and the advantages, of their geographical position encouraged them-to create troubles for the Central Government The tension between the Muslim administrators and the Rajahs had mounted up by 1713 at a place very close to Vizagapatam. This situation 113 Ibid: Pub. Cons. DL 16-2-1713; Vol. 44,1713.; William Irvine: "Later Mughals” ed. J. Sarkar, Vol. I, pp. 157 - 244 114 Records of Fort St. George: Pub. Cons., Dt.19.11.1712; Vol. 43. 28 Andhra Between The Empires warranted the arrival of Chin Qilich Khan, a powerful noble of Mughal Court (and later Nizam I) in the parts. 115 This had, obviously, caused, “great obstacle to our (the English) affairs there”. 116 This trouble continued for a long time. 117 Soon after his arrival in the Northern Sarkars in 1714, Vazir Chin Qilich Khan, the Subedar of Deccan, issued a Firman directing the English and the Dutch to seize the ships alongwith the cargo and other effects belonging to Rayapa Razu II of Peddapuram when they anchored in the ports under their control. Rayapa Razu n, the Rajah of Peddapuram was evading the payment of arrears of Peshcush to Muhammad Zafar, the Subedar’s deputy at Masulipatam. 118 When the English received Firman, a ship belonging to Rajah of Peddapuram was already in their region. But, the English Council at Madras resolved notto act in accordance with the directions of the Subedar of Deccan since the Rajah was in the possession of the region around their settlements at Modapollam and they thought that they might lose contact -with thier northern settlements at Ingeram and Vizagapatam, if they invited hostility with the Rajah by seizing his ship. Moreover, the Rajah of Peddapuram was closely related to the Rajah of Vizianagaram who was in the possesssion of the region around their settlements in Chicacole Sarkar. The English were not sure that the Subedar could be able to drive the Rajah out of his Zamindary. So, they decided to ignore the Firman in the best interests of the Company 119 The Zamindars of Bobbili and Vizianagaram were very prominent in the Sarkarsof Chicacole and Rajahmundry. They were also leading the revolt of the Hindu Poligars of the Northern Sarkars, against the Mughal Govern¬ ment. The English Company had its important settlement in these Sarkars which were surrounded by the lands of these rebellious Zamindars who were united for the time being against the Nizam brushing aside their heriditary rivalry. 120 These Zamindars were maintaining considerable number of sepoys to defend their forts. They were almost independent in internal administration. 115 Ibid: Pub. Cons., Dt. 21 Aig. 1713; Vol. 44,1713, p. 161 116 Ibid: Pub. Cons., Dl 2 Sep. 1713, Vol. 44,1713. p. 169 117 Ibid: Pub. Cons., Dt. 30 Sep. 1713, Vol. 44,1713, p. 188 118 Ibid: Pub. Cons., Dt. 19 Aug. 1714, VoL 45,1714, p. 150 119 Ibid: 120 V.R. Jagapathi Vanna: Op.cit, p. 130; Gurujada Sri Ramamuithy. Sri Raw Vamsiya Charitra (1902) p. 57 The Northern Sartors 29 Tlieir army could be classified under three i, . v , Ordinary Seo oys being paid in cash for their service; Mokhas Sepoy was g v.uited lanes on anil rent bas'i* for his services to the Rajah and pehy Lords. 121 The Zummuais could give away jagirs without refering to Lair overlords. 122 Even the Muslim overlords (Local Killedar of the N izum) were afraid of them and tried to woo them by granting Kitabs (Titles) to those who paid their tributes properly. The same system was also followed by the English in the years 10 come. 125 These Zamindars maintained their own ships and conducted overseas busi- ness independently. 124 Under these circumstances, the English were not prepared to invite the wrath of the Zamindarby seizing the ship , so, they decided to play a double game by not supporting any party. When the ship was out of their region, they wrote to Chin Qilich Khan that they could not do anything as the ship was out of their reach. Meanwhile, Tejasingh Saroop of Gingi attacked Chin Qilich Khan with 300 Rajputs and was defeated. The French were the first to seize the opportunity of congratulating the Nawab. 125 The English appointed Sunka Ramiah and Laxma Rao as their vakils in the camp of the Nizam to guard the English interests. 126 But it was only -in the year 1 716, that the English could obtain aFirman from the Emperor Faruk Siyar on the representation of John Surman and Khwaja Azahar. The Firman Bt. 5,1.1716 127 granted free and custom-free •trade in all ports of India. 'The Moghai officials were directed not to trouble the English but to help them in buying and selling goods and in setting up factories. The English were granted four villages Including VIzagapatam on payment of Rs. 4862 into the Chicacole treasury. The Madras Rupees were made legal tender. The English were -further granted five villages including Divi Island for their military assistance at Gingi. The English decided to “take the peaceable possession of the Divi Islands with all possible expedi¬ tion” as they were In distrust with the Nawab Mubariz Khan, who in a few months was moving to Golkonda. 128 121 Ibid; 122 Ibid: Vijiarama Razu granted Rtgw/dliLs¶gana to the sons of Ramachandra Raj who died fighting for Mm. 123 V.R. Jagapaihi Varaia: Opcit: p. 130 124 Records of Fort St George: Pub. Cons., Dl 13 Aug. 1714, Vol. 45, p. 156 125 Ibid: pp. 174 - 6 126 Ibid: Com. Dl 18th Nov. 1714, p.206 127 Records of Fort Sl George: Pub. Cons Vol. 48, p. 208, for a copy of Firman. 128 Ibid: Com, DL 2nd Sep. 1717, Vol. 48,1717, p. 245 30 Andhra Between The Empires There was a sudden change in the tide when Emperor Farak Siyar was dethroned and imprisoned by the Syed Brothers in 1719. Syed Brothers put Rafiud - dayat, Rafiad-Dowlah and Muhammand Shah on the Mughal throne, one after the another in a quick succession surprisingly within a span of 7 months from, the date of Faruk Siyar’s deposition. 129 Mohammad Shah was proclaimed Emperor by the Syed Brothers on 28 Sep. 1719. 130 Hence the Nawab of Deccan ( Subedar ) “had to draw in his effects for all possible expedition,” 131 to the North. The Chief and Council at Vizagapatam in their letter dated 8th May, 1724, again, reported that one Hazi Hussain was appointed as Nawab of Chicacole which sparked off troubles in this region. 132 129 William Irvine: Op.cit, pp. 420 - 430, 130 Ibid: Voi. II, p. 1 131 Records of FortSt George: Pub. Cons., DLlsidSep. 1717, Voi.'48,1717; Dt. 6-4- 1718, Vol. 50 for the year 171, p. 245 132 Ibid: Pub. Cons. Vol. 54 for the year 1724, p. 101 Two NORTHERN SARKARS UNDER THE FIRST NIZAM (1724 -1748) . During the war of succession at Agra in 1712, between Farukh Siyar and Jahander Shah, theTurani nobles led by Chin Qiiich Khan stayed neutral which helped, indirectly, Farukh Siyar to win and become the' Mughal Emperor. The new Emperor conferred on Chin Qiiich Khan, the Viceroyalty of Deccan along-with the title, ’Nizam-ul-Mulk, Fath-e-Iung’. 1 2 3 But, this position was short lived. Before the Nizam could settle down in Ms position, he was replaced in 1715 by Hussain All Khan as the Viceroy of Deccan. 2 On account of differences between the Syed brothers and the Nizam, the latter was forced to leave Agra with Ms followers. The Nizam, on the way to Deccan, captured Burhanpur in 1720, and-also defeated Diiawar Ali Khan who was sent by Syed brothers in. his pursuit at Khandwa* Later, the Nizam defeated and killed Alim-Ali-Khan, the deputy of Hussain Ali Khan, the then Viceroy of Deccan, at Balapur in Berar. 3 The Nizam, thus, became the virtual niter of Deccan independent of the Syeds’ influence. But, it seems that the Nizam was not reconciled with the Viceroyalty of Deccan. He.could not keep quiet when tMngs were taking unhappy turn at the Centre under the predominance of his rivals, the Syed brothers. So, he again marched to the North in 1719 when Farukh Siyar was deposed, leaving ' tfae Deccan to his deputy, Mubariz Khan. 4 1. FOUNDING OF HYDERABAD STATE The new Emperor, Muhammad Shah, having successfully conspired with the enemies of Syed brothers, including Nizam-ul-Mulk, could free himself from the tutelage of Syed brothers. The Nizam was appointed Vazir for his services to the Empire. But, he was disliked by most of the Court 1 Sherwani & P.M. Joshi: History of Medieval Deccan 1973, VoLI, p.614. 2 Ibid: p. 615. 3 Ibid: p. 616. 4 Ibid: p,617. 32 Andhra Between The Empires Nobles for his radical reforms in the revenue system to improve the economic conditions of the State. His rivals succeeded in poisoning the ears of Muhammad Shah against Nizam ul Mulk. So, Nizam, once again, set out of Agra, in Dec. 1723 under the pretext that he was going out, “ for a change of air". The Nizam was intending to go to Deccan, but, before he could reach there, he was superseded in the Viceroyalty of Deccan by his own deputy, Mubariz Khan who was also given a grant ofRs.5 lakhs from the revenue to raise sufficient army to prevent the Nizam entering Deccan. * Nizam ul Mulk, taking help from the Peshwa Baji Rao -1, defeated Mubariz Khan at Shakar Kheda, about 80 miles east of Aurangabad, on Oct.l, 1724 and succeeded in establishing himself in Deccan. The Emperor, under these circumstances, confirmed him to the Viceroyalty of Deccan with the title, ‘Asaf Jah’. 6 Thus, the Nizam had, once and for all, settled himself in Deccan, independent of the Central Government. The Nizam kept no obligations for the Centre except accepting the Imperial directions if they were issued in his favour. The Deccan was considered to be the most resourceful region in the Mughal Empire. It was consisting of six Subahs which were divided into 94 Sarkars and sub-divided into 1,281 Paraganas, 7 yielding ann ual revenue of Rs. 18,23,20,7 56 - 9 1/2 a. ThedetaHs of which are presented in the following table. SI. No. Subah Sarkars Paraganas : Annual Revenue . : .Rs.- Annas L Aurangabad 12 147 1,27,78,498 - 61/2 2. Berar 5 252 1,22,68,762-12 3. Khandesh 6 138 58,80,022 -101/2 4. Bidar . 7 83 69,42,102-0 5. Bijapur 18 252 7,84,40,147 -12 6. Hyderabad 46 411 6,60,11,227-1/4 Total 94 1,281 18,23,20,756 - 91/2 5 Ibid: p.618. 6 Ibid: p.618. 7 Ibid: p. 625. Northern Sarkars under Me First 'Nizam (1724-1748) 33 2. . THE ADMINISTRATIVE SET UP OF THE FIRST NIZAM Nizam ul Muf'k Asaf Jah I overhauled the administrative set up of the Deccan Subah. Hafizuddin Khan and Mohammed Syed Khan were appointed as Foujdars of Chicacole and Rajahmundry Sarkars; Ihtida Khan for Masulipatam, Khwaja Rahmatulla Khan and Khwaja Abdulla Khan were appointed Divans of Chicacole and Rajahmundry Sarkars respectively; Ibadullah Khan, Faizulla Khan and Agha Main Khan were appointed Foujdars of Mmthuzanagar, Ellore and Mustaphanagar Sarkars respectively. 8 Anvaraddin who was later posted to the Carnatic, was assigned .the Nawabship of Rajahmundry and Chicacole Sarkars. His administration was strong and severe. 9 He was helped by an energetic subordinate, Rustum Khan, also known as Kaji Hussain, as Jllledar and Sir-Lashkar. 10 “Great were the benefits derived from the vigour and integrity of Rustum Khan who, from 1732 for seven years, ruled with the most ample delegated sway at Rsjahmim- dry with the other four Southern provinces." 11 The First Nizam, though settled in the Deccan Subah once and for all, had, still, involved himself in the affairs of the Mughal Court until 1740 when Nasir lung, his second son, who was appointed by him as his Deputy during his absence, revolted in Deccan, Even, curing lus short stay, he was pre¬ occupied with the Maratha and Camatic Affairs. 12 Under these circum¬ stances, it is understood that the Nawab’s deputy Rustum Khan, had enjoyed considerable amount of freedom in the Northern Sarkars. The Zemindars of Northern Sarkars, being encouraged by the death of Aurangzeb, the last great Mughal, and the succession of incompetent rulers, tried to ascertain their rights for the Zamindaries ignoring the Mughal Superintendents who were appointed over them. These Zamindars defrauded the public treasury and reportedly op¬ pressed the industrious husbandsmen and manufacturers. So, Rustum Khan felt that it was his foremost duty to punish such refractory Zamindars with iron hand. In the process, he attempted at total extirpation of such "merciless 8 Yusuf Hussain Khan: Nizam ul Mulk Asaf Jah J, p. 54. 9 R. Subba Rao : Some aspects of the History of Northern Sarkars (1724-1774) Proceedings of the Deccan. History Congress:l945. 10 V. R. Jagapathi Verma: Peddapur Samasthana Charitra 1951, p.70. 11 lames Grant: Godavari District Gazetteer, p. 223. » Yusuf Hussain Khan: Op.ciL, for details. 34 Andhra Between The Empires tyrants’. Those who escaped death, were proclaimed traitors and rewards were offered for their heads. He created a terrrible atmosphere in the Sarkars by constructing Kulla - Minars (pyramidal structures) with the heads of all adherents of the rebelling Zamindars, cn the lines of Nadir Shah, which were hitherto unknown in the Deccan. He appointed temporary managers in the Zamindaries replacing the Zamindars who revolted against the Nizam. 13 3. RESTORATION OF ORDER IN THE ZAMINDARIES The local Kaifiyats, ballads and estate records do not speak of the oppressive rule of the Zamindars. However, the absence of the strong centre had resulted in a scramble for power among the local Rajahs. Rustum Khan’s cruel treatment of the refractory Zamindars was not due to their maladmin¬ istration, but, only to bring them under his control and to deter the other Zamindars from contemplating revolt. The Zamindars had to clear their feudal dues which had fallen in arrears since many years. So, the Zamindars wanted to check the entry of Rustum Khan. In 1734, Kaladindi Rama Razu, the Zamindar of Mogiliturru, joined Rao Subbanna, Zamindar of Nuzividu, and fought Rustum Khan to prevent Khan from establishing himself at Rajahmundry. 14 These two Zamindars ware said to have fought Rustum Khan more than once.at Ellore. 15 But, their bid was unsuccessful and they fled with bag and baggage to Peddapuram where Rani Rangamma, widow of Vatsavayi Jagapathi Razu, gave them shelter. Rani Rangamma was the regent of her minor son, Timma Raju (1714 to 1734). 16 In the song of Rayaparaju, a local ballad, it is stated that Rustum Khan and Ms son were employed in the Peddapuram Samasthanam and left it for better opportunities and joined Mawab. Anwaruddin/ 17 Rani Rangamma encouraged her son Thimmaraju and Rao Venkata .Krishna Rayaningar, the.Zamindar of Pittapuram, to check the progress of Rustum Khan and see that he should not cross river Godavari and settle in Rajahmundry. Rustum Khan defeated these Zamindars more than once and Venkata Krishna Rao, RaoJBuchanna, ,Rama Raju and Subbanna fled to ; 13 James Grant :Op.eiL» p. 223. 14 Medeenzie's Kaifiyads.: Mogiliturru, Nuzividu & Peddapuram. 15 V.R. Jagapathi Verma: PeddapurCharitramu, p. 70 16 Ibid. 17 R. Subba Rao: Op.riL Northern Sarkars under the First Nizam (1724-1748) 35 Thotapalli Manyaxn where they planned to raise a revolt with the help of Konda-Reddis. 18 Rut, they were not habituated to live In this region where Malaria fever was rampant All, excep; Rao Buchanna, died of fever. 19 Rao Buchanna, a close relation of Rao Venkata Krishna Rao, the Zamindar of Pittapuram was arrested and killed 'ey Rustum. Khan.. 20 Rustum Khan wanted to punish Rani Rangamma for her help and encouragement to the refractory Zamindars. But, the Fort of Peddapuram was too strong for him. So, he had recourse to a wily strategem. He lodged himself at Tandavulavarimetta’ near Peddapuram and sent a letter with his son Nuruddin Hussain stating that he had great regard for her and her estate and he wanted to make a Darshan of her minor sons and confirm the Zamindary on them. 21 Nuruddin Hussain was a playmate of her sons while Rustum Khan was in the service of Peddapur estate. So, Rani Rangamma could not suspect any treachery and sent her two sons, TimmaRaju and Balabhadra Raju with only two or three attendants alongwith Nuruddin. There are different accounts regarding the death of Tinrnia Raju and his brother, Balabhadra Razu. 22 Even Nuruddin Hussain was not aware of his father's treacherous designs. 23 On hearing the tragic end of her two sons, Rani Rangamma alongwith the other women performed Jauhar after sending out the infant son of her eldest son, called Jagapthi Raju, aged only 7 months, through a trusted Brahmin widow, by name, Komperla Mahalakshmi. She was to take this boy to Vizianagaram as Vijiarama Razu was closely related to this family through his wife, Chandramma. 24 But, she was detected on the way and the boy was imprisoned in Pittapuram. The following year, the attempt of Rao Buchanna failed and he was arrested and later killed by Rustum Khan. The Peddapuram estate was directly administered by Rustum. Khan through an Amin since 1734. Rustum Khan adopted the policy of blood and iron to curb any insurrection. His ruthless violence knew no bounds. Kulla Minors (Kulla Minar was a pyramidal structure built with the heads of those who were beheaded for their anti-government activities) were built in the important towns so that no one could dare rebel against the Government. 18 Ibid: V.R. Jagapathi Verma: Peddapura Charitra^.ll. 19 Meckenjie's Kaifiyads: Samarlakota 20 Ibid: , ■ 21 Meckenzie's Kaifiyad : Kimoor ; V.R. Jagpalhi Veraia: Peddapura Charitr, p. 72. 22 V.R. Jagapathi Verma: Peddapura Charitram, pp. 71-75. 23 Ibid: 24 Subba Rao : Op.ciL 36 Andhra Between The Empires The Kulla Minors were not known to the people of this region, mough they were not quite uncommon during the Muslim rule in Northern India, Thus, he became unpopular and .his son, Nuruddin, also hated his father for his cruei deeds and caused his death in 1737. Nuruddin reported Ms father s death to Nawab Anwaruddin who appointed him in his father’s place. ~ 5 Though Rusmm Khan was unpopular for his cruel ways, it must be admitted that he was an able administrator and. it was only due to him the Nizam’s power was restored in these parts. "Rustam Khan must be praised for his military exploits, clever tactics, and just and wise policy. He put down greedy Zamindars and helped the poor cultivators. He replaced the former Amins so that he might regularly get the taxes due. He made grants of lands to poets, village officers and other servants. The Firman of 1736 A.D. states that one, Atchanna Kulkami, was rewarded probably for his loyal and faithful services. Atchanna, as well as Antanna referred to in the grant, seem to be related to famous poet Enugu Lakshmana Kavi. Rustam Khan announced rewards for the capture of rebels and conferred titles on such of the proprietors who promptly paid their taxes and helped him with men and supplies.” 26 Nawab Anwaruddin inf ormed Nuruddin Hussain that in case he ' XT vrr doin' could m:±i: Me M Italic ga, ncnnittrtaion of the country would also be entrusted to him. So, Nuruddin marched to Kalinga but while he was on the way, he was intercepted by Vijiarama Razu of Vizianagaram at Ghebrole with 40,000 men. hi the Battle of Chebrole, Nuruddin was killed and Vijiarama Razu took Thimmaraju of Peddapuram along with, him to Vizianagaram rescuing him from the captivity. Vijiarama Razu, later, restored him to his Zamindary in!749 by bribing the Amildar , Nizamat All. 27 4 POSITION OF THE ENGLISH IN NORTHERN SARKARS DURING THE RULE OF THE FIRST NIZAM The English, through out this period, kept themselves away from the local politics and their Monnation regarding the local affairs was scant and insignificant The English managed to get confirmed their trade privileges by the Nizam in 1725. 28 ■ 25 Records of Fort. Sl George :Pub. Corn., Dt2.1.1737, Vol.67, p. 33.; V.R. Jagapathi Verma: Peddapuram Charitmm : p.79; Subba Rao: Some Aspects of the History of Northern Sarkars (1724-1774), Deccan History Congress, 1945. 26 R. StibbaRao: Op.dL 27 V. R. Jagapathi Verma: Op,cit, p. 83. 28 Ibid: Pub. Com. DL2Z5.1725, VoL55, p.l 19. Northern Sarkars under the First Nizam (2724-1748) 37 The Nizam directed his officials not to suffer the English affairs on the complaint lodged by the English about the haughty behaviour of the person appointed to reside at Ingeram. 29 Most often, the English were threatened by the local officials to receive presents. 30 Whenever the English did not meet their demands, the local Nawabs “laid the Madras Pagodas (A Pagoda was roughly equal to Rs. 31/2 or 4 Varahas) under discount”. 31 The English investments suffered due to famine conditions in the region, 32 and the steps taken by the French who offered more wages to the labour and purchased cloth at a higher price than the English. B The English wrote a letter to Mawab Anvaruddin- narrating their difficulties in business at Vizagapatam and Ingeram where they sustained loss in their Pagodas and assured the native government that the Madras Pagodas were of the same weight and flness. The English also wrote that they had been there for over a century by then and it was not their custom to alter their coinage . 34 To this letter, the Mawab replied that the Shroffs (Cashiers) collected Batta (discount) only on such Madras Pagodas which did not satisfy the necessary standards like weight and flness. He also deputed his Vakil, Muhammad Hussain, to Vizagapatam wife'some specimen:coins for com¬ parison and to the realisation of the English of their failure to keep uniform standards in their coinage. 35 The Nawab and Ms brother, Mohd. -Muneeruddin Khan maintained good relations with the English. Mohd. Muneeruddin, fee Nawab*s Deputy at CMcacole, encouraged the English to establish their factory at Hay atpatnam near Mansoorkota in the District of Ganjam and assured fee English of all possible help from Ms side. 36 ■ Another difficulty wMch the English encountered, was that several 29 Ibid: Pub. Com . Dt.22.5.1725, Voi.55, p.119. 30 Ibid; Pub . Com., Dt 31-1-1737, VoL67, p.43. 31 Ibid: DLll.10.1739, VoL 69B, p. 276. - 32 Ibid: Dfc.25.8.1737,V6L67B,p.293. 33 Ibid: DlI 1.10.1739,Vol.69B,p.276. 34 Md:Pub.Com.J)LllAQA7^9.1M^:ComiSryCwreipondmce:Pdo,J^mmmt: Lr. totheNacw^DL'SdiMaiGliti?^:.'': 33 Ibid : Lr. from the" Nawab, Reed* 31 May, 1740. 36 ■ Ibid: Lr. from Md. Mmeensddin Khan, Reed: 8.6.1740 38 Andhra Between The Empires Indian traders evaded payment of their dues to the English by leaving the areas of the English settlements and taking protection from local Governors of the Nizam administration. The English wrote to Khwaja Abdul Rahaman Khan, Foujdarof Masulipatam on July 16,1740 about their bitter experiences in Modapollam and Narsapur where the English resident, Goddard, reported that several persons failing to pay their dues to the Company, had taken shelter at Masulipatam. There was an understanding that the local officials of the Nizam should not protect such people. 37 It is received favourably by the Nizam’s official, Khwaja Abdul Rahman, who ordered his Naibs (Deputies) “to deliver up ,4,11 those persons to the Company” and assured the English of his co-operation in future. He, further, desired to see that the English resettled at Masulipatam and that he would procure a Cowle for that purpose from Nawab Anvaruddin who was 'then in Golkonda. 38 It is understood that the Pusapati family of Vizianagaram maintained good relations with the English since a very long time and helped the English settlements at Vizagapatam and Ingeram.. The friendship was necessitated as the Rajahs of Vizianagaram were also maintaining their own "ships for business. So, Pusapati family was always reminding the English of their long standing friendship with the English in each letter they wrote to the English. : Vijiarama Razu, the Rajah of Vizianagaram wrote a letter to the English through his Vakil , Kosachetti Adiyappa, with a request to help their Vakil at Madras in selling paddy. 39 The English were quite aware of the fact that their settlements at Vizagapatam and Ingeram might suffer if they were not to maintain friend¬ ship with this powerful Rajah. So, the English responded favourably to the Rajah’s request promising to provide all the 'assistance-.to the Rajah’s ships in their ports. 40 The local officials of the Nizam’s Government werenot sure of their positions when called back to capital. They were always kept in a dilemma whether they were going to receive rewards or punishments. So, they were 37 Ibid: Country Correspondence , Public Department: Lr. to Khwaja Abdul Rahman Khan, dt. 16th My, 1740. 38 Ibid: Lr. from Khwaja Abdur Rahman No.104.Dt.16lh Aug. 1740, Reed. 18th Nov. 1740. ' ' ' 39 Ibid: CoM«/r3?Correj?o«dewce:No.79,Lr.fromVijiarainaRazu,Recd.7thOct. 1740. 40 Ibid: Mo.89, Lr. to Vijiarama Razu, Dt. 20th. Oct. 1740 Northern Sarkars under the First Nizam (1724-2748) 39 taking precaution to protect their dependents and persona! effects, before they left their posts. Therefore, they were cultivating friendship with the foreign merchants. On the other side, the foreigners were forced to win over some important officials of the Court to present their views before the Subedar. Due to mutual interests, the local officials and the English had,come closer and developed intimate relations. -One, Imam Saheb, Foujdar of Joar Bunder, was asked to return to Golkonda in 1740. 41 He left the place keeping his family under the protection of the English at St. Thomev 42 But, his fears turned false, as he was received well in the Nizam’s Court and admitted to the order of the Nizam’s favourites, a much coveted honour, 43 with a title, ‘Guiam Imaam Hussain Khan*. The English had the benefit of a strong voice in the Court through him. 44 Subsequently, Guiam Hussain Khan was appointed as the Nawab and posted to Masulipatam with jurisdiction over Ni- zampatnam, Narsapur and several other places on the Coast. He ordered his deputies to assit the English in their affairs. 45 The English made best use of his friendship and requested him to turn Nawab Anvaruddin Khan in their favour so that their interests in Modapol- •lam, Vizagapatam and Ingeram were served to their advantage. 46 But, gradually, these officials lost their pride and prestige. As it is, earlier said that the officials of the Nizam’s Government were always kept in a state of uncertainty about their positions due to the fact that the favours of the Nizam were short lived. So, the officials were depending on the foreigners to protect their families during the unfavourable period. While the ' local officials were losing their power and influence, the English were gradually consolidating their positions. Thus, local officials lost their control over the foreign merchants and transformed themselves as the foreign agents in the native Court. Guiam Imam Hussain Khan desired for an interview with the English Governor giving every liberty to the English to fix the appointment as, 41 Ibid: Lr, No. 46&47 from Imam Saheb: Recd.28/29,lime, 1740. 42 Ibid : Lr.No.56 to Imam Saheb, Dt,5ih Aug. 1740. 43 Ibid : Lr. No.78 from Imam Saheb, Reed. 6th Oct. 1740. 44 Ibid : Lr.No. 66 from Imam Saheb, Reed. 26th Aug. 1740; Lr.No. 78 from .Imam Saheb, Reed. 6th Oct. 1740; Lrs. 99,100,101 fromlxnam Saheb, Reed, on 13th Nov, 1740,. 14th Nov. 1740 and 15th Nov. 1740 respectively. 45 Ibid: Lr.No.93 from Imam Hussain, Reed. Nov. 3,1740. 46 Ibid: Lr.No. 94 to Imam Hussain, Dt~7th Nov. 1740. 40 Andhra Between The Empires ” .place it is entirely yours and 1, only your deputy." 47 The English started ascerting their position by directing him (Khan) “to talk InpersoxT. 48 During this period, the French had become more active and influen¬ tial in the Nizam’s court and outside. They were also trying to procure a grant of Divi Island, granted formerly to the English by Emperor Faruk Siyar. To counteract this, the English informed Imam Sahib of their right to the Island in order to embarass the French in their attempt . 49 Masulipatam had lost its importance in foreign trade during this period since the native industries could not flourish due to the unequal competition among the foreign traders and the disturbances in the area. The English had closed their business there since a long time. However, the French and the Dutch had their settlements over there. The appointment of Imam Saheb to .that country, .had encouraged them to resume their trade in Masulipatam. 50 But, once again, the troubles started in the country. Alivardi Khan, after occupying Bengal, fell on Cuttack. The Nawab of Cuttack took refuge in Rajahmundry. The Nawab of Rajahmundry, Anvaruddin Khan left for Cuttack to occupy the territory being ordered by Nizam-ul-Mulk. 51 Alivardi Khan, having taken possession of the Cuttack country, was expected to march southwards. So, the Nawabs of Cuttack, Rajahmundry and Chicacole were collecting forces at Ichapuram to check his advance, but for years, they had maintained no regular troops . 52 Meanwhile, Ali Kuli Khan had become Nawab of Rajahmundry in the place of Anvaruddin. The departure of Anvaruddin from this region was very much regretted both by the merchants and the English as well . 53 To make the situation still worse, the Marathas appeared at Ellore in the Sarkars and demanded ‘Chouth* from Imam SahebV revenues of the 47 Ibid: lx No. 104 from Imam Hussain, Reed. 7th Dec. 1740. 48 Ibid: !x No. 115 to Imam Saheb, DUO. 12.1740. 49 Dodwel! : Calender of Madras Records : 1740-44, Lr. No. 51 Despatch to the Company. 50 Ibid.:IxNo.346fromJohn Straiten atVi 2 g,Despatch:Dt 14thDec. 1741. 51 Dodwdl: OptiL, Lr. No. 348 from Richard Prince, at Ingeram, Dl 24th Dec. 1741. 52 Ibid. 53 Ibid: Lr. No. 93 from Richard Mace at Ingeram, Dt llih Feb. 1742. Northern Sarkars under ike First Nizam '(1724-1748) 41 country. But they were driven beyond me hill?./ 4 But it was feared that the Maratfaas might plunder Ellore, Masulipatam, Rajahmundry and CMeacole. All Kuli .Khan had withdrawn himself into Ms fort. It was also understood that Nasir Jung requested the Maratha, j 3 assist the Nawab of Cuttack against Aii Vardi Khan. But, the Nawab of C attack, staying at the mango garden at Vizagapatam seemed alarmed at their approach. 54 Marathas plundered Masulipatam. All Kuli Khan was reported to have agreed to pay them Rs. 45,000/- Imam Saheb had long been preparing .to flee. The Rajahs had already sent their families to Vizagapatam for protection. 55 The Marathas, after destroying much of the Ellore countryside, attempted to enter Peddapuram, but were repulsed by the Rajahs and 200 or 300 of them were shut up in the forest nearby. 56 They were still threatening Rajahumundry, but, when they learnt that a large army was marching from Golkonda, they retired hastily. 57 The Marathas fled to the hills beyond' Ellore. 58 They assaulted and took ‘Oendie\ a fort near Maodapollam. Then, they went to Masulipatam but, were repulsed. 59 Though the Marathas retired, the merchants could not live in peace, as the Nawabs were asking for loans and the Thanadars were compelling them to advance loans. The English were forced to intervene on behalf of the Indian merchants. 60 The Nawab demanded a loan, of 2,000 pagodas and-Rs.30,000/- in exchange for Marians- pagodas at Rs.3-.13 annas. On the refusal of the English Resident, the Thanadar was ordered to obstruct the Company's business. The watchmen had been wMpped and the merchants threatened.; Hussain Kuli Khan,'the Nawab’s uncle, had already received the annual present and once again, demanded the same, threatening the English Vakil to punish him in the same way as he had done to theBubash (translator) of the Dutch Chief at Kakinada. The country was plundered by the Nawab. 61 The CMef at Ingeram, Richard Prince, saw Hussain Kuli Khan when the, latter visited Draksharam .and complained of .the Thanadar’s misdeeds. Hussain, Kuli Khan promised that nobody should trouble the Company’s servants and 54 Ibid.: Lr. No. 94 from Richard Prince, at Ingeram, Dt.l7th Feb. 1742. 55 Dodwell: Op.dL, Lr. No. 99 from John Straiten at Vizag, Dl 16th. Feb. 1741. 56 Ibid : Lr. No. 115 from John Straiten at Vizag, Dl 13th March, 1742. 57 Ibid : Lr, No. 121 from Richard Prince Ingeram, Dl 23rd March, 1742. 58 Ibid: Lr. No. 121 from Richard Prince at Ingeram, Dl 24th March, 1742. . 59 Ibid: Lr. No. nil from John Bally Burton at Modapallam, Dl 31st March, 1742. 60 Ibid: Lr, No. 166 from Richard Prince at Ingeram, Dl 11th May, 1742. 61 Ibid : Lr. No. 185 from Richard Prince at Ingeram, DlI 1th May, 1742. 42 Andhra Between The Empires granted a Cowls for apiece of ground and a small village. 62 But the friendship did not last long. A fresh trouble crept up between Ali Kuli Khan, the Nawab of Rajahmundry and Richard Prince at Mgeram arising out of a forced sale of Teak to the English. 63 Hussain Kuli Khan, Darogha of the Nawab, Ali Kuli Khan, seized an opportunity to take revenge upon the English when a ship called, “Jagannath Prasad” wrecked off the shores of Vizagpatam in 1743. The ship was owned by one, Gopinath, a merchant of Balasore in Cuttack, who was trading with the Company. The ship was carrying goods belonging to Davis and Cotes- worth, the servants of the English Company. Thomas Pitt,Resident at Uppada, informed this to John Stratton, Chief at Vizagapatam, who, there up on, got the Nawab’s firman for her salvage. Pitt, however, offered the local Rajah (Rajah of Pittapuram) one-third of the salvage for his assistance; on which the Nawab’s uncle, Hussain Kuli Khan imprisoned Pitt for two days and nights without food and drink and whipped him till he paid 1,700 pagodas. Pitt was also forced to sign two papers written in Persian. 64 Thus, the English suffered during the tenure of Ali Kuli Khan as Nawab of Rajahmundry and they felt greatly relieved when he was deprived of the Nawabship of Rajahmundry in 1744 and hoped for a better time under his successor. 65 In Chicacole Sarkar, Nawab Jaffer Ali Khan succeeded Mahfuz Khan as Nawab of Chicacole in 1742. 66 But, this appointment was opposed by Raja Vijiarama Razu of Vizianagaram. This dispute disturbed the peace in that region. 67 But, somehow, they were reconciled by 1744. 68 But, once again, the Maratha menace occured. They assembled at Bhadrachelam and moved north of Chicacole . 69 Similarly, the English had a bad time in Masulipatam region after Tmam Sahib’s departure. The Company’s goods were not allowed to be 62 . Ibid : Lr. No. 250, from Prince at Xngeram, Dt. ,13th Jun. 1742. 63 Ibid : Lr. No. 152 from Prince at Vizag, Dt. 15th Nov. 1742. . 64 Ibid: Lr. No. 82, from Pitt at Upada to Richard Princd at Vizag, Dt. 18th Dec, 1743; Ibid. :Lr. No. 170 from Prince of Vizag, Dt21st April, 1744. 65 Ibid: Lr. No. 81 from Prince of Vizag, Dt. 8th July, 1742. , 66 Ibid : Lr. No. 249 from John Straiten at Vizag, Dt. 8th July, 1742. . 67 Ibid : Lr. No. 249 from John Straiten at Vizag, Dt 8th July, 1742. 68 Ibid : Lr. No. 144 from Prince at Vizag, Dt. 4th March, 1744; Lr. No. 265 from Prince at Vizag, Dt- 20th June,. 1744. 69 TKJH * T t Mrs Prinrt* Pit 4tli TUTar 174.4 Northern SarMrs under (Re First Nizam {1724-1748) 43 moved at Masulipatam without the Fouzdar* s orders* The Fouzdar was facing disturbances from the poligars of the Sarkar of Murtuzanagar (Gun¬ tur) as the insurrection of the poligars were common in those days whenever a new Fouzdar was appointed. 70 Thus, this period was very discouraging to the English trade on the Coromandel Coast. Even in the South, the Marafha troubles prevented the English from acquiring bales of Salem cloth. 71 In Vizagapatam and Ingeram, the French had obstructed the English investment by raising their prices. It was thought better to raise the prices of ordinary cloth rather than humour the merchants by taking in a larger proportion of'fine doth which the Company did not want. 72 After the fall of Qutb-shahi dynasty at Golkonda in 1687, the Mughals could not establish their authority effectively on the local chiefs who were in charge of local administration. The death of Aurangzeb, in 1707, had enfeebled the centre and the Subedars became too powerful for the Central Government. The successors of Aurangzeb became puppets in the hands of a few selfish ministers. So, the Subedars were also interested to fish in the troubled waters. They were closely watching the developments at the Centre and carefully scheming to get what they desired. The Nizam I was no exception to this general trend. The local -administration -was. a neglected subject. In fact, there was no institution or established system or agency to dispense justice or to assess and to collect revenue at any level between the centre and the lowest unit, the village. Luckily, the villages were ran on a community basis, the system known from time immemorial, had survived the wreck of a number of imperial dynasties. 73 But, a proper authority to check the intermediaries like Zamindars, renters and Amaidars (the revenue collec¬ tors) and to protect the peasants from oppression, was totally absent. After the death of Rustum Khan, the Nawab’s deputy, in 1737, the Nizami super¬ intendents could never establish their authority in the region. The Nizam I did not give much thought to this aspect of administration. He was simply 74 appointing Nawabs or Superintendents of the Sarkars, on consideration of high offerings (Nazaranas) and the other local offices were filled by the highest bidders. This ill-policy of the Nizam had rained the country beyond .any doubt. ■ 70 ibid.: Lr. No. 340 from John Hally Barton at Modapollam, Dt. 1st Sept. 1744. 71 Ibid.: VolX, 1744-45, p/7. 72 Ibid.:' 73 R.C Dutt : Economic History of British India (3rd Edn) 1908, p.l 17. 74 Dodwell : Calender of Madras Records 1740-44, Lr. No. 379 from John Holiy Burton at Modapollam, Dt 12tfr Oct. 1744. Andhra Between The Empires 14 5. THE BEGINNING OF ANGLO-FRENCH RIVALRY IN NORTHERN SARKARS The Nizam-ul-Mulk who founded the Hyderabad State in 1724, could only divert Ms attention to Deccan in 1743. He visited the Carnatic in 1743 and stayed there till 1744, During this period, he devoted much of Ms time in restoring order in the Carnatic. Taking advantage of the presence of the Nizam in the Carnatic, the French and theEngllsh tried to win over the Nizam to their side through their symptMsers in the court. “The English and the French East India Companies on the Coroman¬ del Coast tried to checkmate each other and secure power by allying themselves with the native powers of South India.” 75 The commercial rivalry had ultimately turned out to-be a battle for supreme in power and influence on the Coramandel. The news that war broke out between Spain and England reached Madras in June, 1740. The following year, France was also involved in the war. Then, an expedition under La Bourdanais arrived in the East which had been aimed at attacking the English, but it did not achieve anything except the relief of Mahe from the attack of the native princes. 76 Meanwhile, Dupleix succeeded Dumas as the French Governor in India which eclipsed the English sun on the Coromandel during 1744-1754. Dupleix made the best use of the war of the Austrian succession. In 1746, the French under La Bourdanais captured Madras. The subordinate council at Fort St. David assumed the control of the English settlements in the South. The English made futile attempts to get back Madras through the intervention of Nizam-ul-Mulk. But, Nizam-ul-Mulk was preoccupied with the Marathas. The English appealed to Nasir Jung ’and the Nizam, 77 to restore Madras to them. Nizam-ul-Mulk gave a favourable reply to Commodore Griffin and sent a mandate to Nawab Anvaraddln, the Nawab of Carnatic to help the English. 78 But, the Nizam died in 1748 before he could do anything. Madras was, however, restored to the English only when the treaty of Aix- la-Chapelle was signed in Europe. 75 76 77 78 Sarojini Regani: Op.ciL, p. 3. , . Dodwell : Op.dL, Introduction xii. James Mill; History of British India, Vol.HI, p.74. Ibid. Northern Sarkors under the First Niznm >74-1 748) 45 The First Mizam kept the English ana hie French guessing whom he favoured most. He suspected that these frreign settlers were going to take full advantage of the internal dissension* among the Indian princes and so, he tried to see that they did not take any - outage by keeping himself aloof from their quarrels. “What he avoided, Ms descendants could not avoid. No sooner did his restraining influence disappear, than the whole of the Carnatic and later on the Deccan became a cockpit of Anglo-French struggle for power.” 79 The succession of Nasir lung as the Nizam was strongly objected by Muzaffar Jung, the favourite grand son of the late Nizam. The French joined hands with Muzaffar Jung and Chanda Sahab who was claiming the Nawabs- hip of Carnatic. A series of events followed in the affairs of Deccan and Carnatic in a dramatic sequence. Due to the Anglo-French conflict, business was the.worst suffered. As Chicacole Sarkar was a good rice-producing area, paddy was being sent to the South in ships for sale. The native Rajahs like Vijiarama Razn and Neeladri Razu were personally involved in tMs trade. Some of their ships were burnt down and the money, goods and merchandise were taken away by the English in Madras. In tMs affair, Sampat Rao, Divan at Areot, wrote a letter to the English to make good the loss occured to the Zamindars. 80 The English replied that the grain was purchased by the French and then Mred by them. As it was a practice to bum the enemy's ships, they were not answerable for the affair.. 81 Despite tMs affair, the Rajah of Vizianagaram sent his grain sMps to Madras under the management of one, Jayanthi Ramaiah, with a recommen¬ dation from SampathRao, the Divan of Arcot, requesting the English to assist in the disposal of the grain. 82 But,. Sampth Rao had to write, once again, not to force Jayanthi Ramaiah to sell the grain to the English at a rate cheaper than the market rate. 83 The English wrote a discourteous letter to Sampath Rao stating that they could be of no service in the affair as it was not the 79 Sarojini Regam: Op.cit., p. 17. 80 Records of Fort Si George.: Country Correspondence, Pub. Dept. 62, Lr. from Sampath Rao, reed. 4th April, 1748, pp. 25 & 26. 81 Records of Fort Si George : Country Correspondence: Pub. Dept. Lr. No. 66, Dt 7th Apr. 1748. 82 Ibid.: Lr. No. 67 from Sampath Rao, reed. 7th Apr. 1748. 83 Ibid.: Lr. No. 73 from Sampath Rao, Reed. 19th Apr. 1748. 46 Andhra Between The Empires Company’s business but the King’s since the war was in progress between the English and the French. 84 As the French supported the cause of Muzaffar Jung for the Deccan Subedarship, the English were to join Nasir Jung. On the arrival of ‘great reinforcement' from England under the command of Admiral Boscawn, a brave and experienced officer. In July 1748, the English procured a Firman from Mohammed Ali, Nawab of Carnatic addressing all the Poligars in the South to stop all manners of provisions going into Pondicherry, the French Headquarters, from their places. 85 But, the English attack failed and in November the tidings were received from Europe that the hostilities between the French and the English had been suspended. This marks the close of the first phase of the conflict between the French and the English in South Tnrii^ aperiod in which the balance of advantage had been largely on the side of the French. 8 * 6. RISE OF FRENCH INFLUENCE IN DECCAN VIS-A-VIS NORTHERN SARKARS Due to internal feuds, Nasir Jung could not pay much attention to the administration in Northern Sarkars. Soonafter his accession, he was involved in the Carnatic wars till he was treacherously killed in December, 1750. Muzaffar Jung who succeeded him, had also become a prey to the conspir¬ acy of the Patfian Nawabs, within aperiod of two months since his proclama¬ tion as the Nizam. Bussy who was in command of the French body of troops kept for the personal guard of Muzaffar Jung on his march from Pondicherry to Hyderabad, soonafter his proclamation of his accession to the Subah of Deccan, exhibited the highest order of diplomacy by installing Salabat Jung whom Dupliex was calling a ‘Duffer’ to the Deccan Subedarship. 87 These political disturbances following the .death of the First Nizam, had, once again, encouraged the Zamindars and the Superintendents of the Sarkars under the Nizam’s administration, to enjoy much liberty in their respective jurisdictions. VijiaramaRazu, the Rajah of Vizianagaram, wanted to install Vatsavayi Jagapathi Razu to his ancestral Zamindary of Peddapuram. Jagapathi Razu 84 Ibid.: Lr. No. 30 to Sampath Rao, Dt. 25th July, 1748. 85 Records of Fort St. George. : Country Correspondence: Pub. Dept. Lr. No. BS^Nawabs’ Farmana addressed to Poligars, Dt. 31st My, 1748. A. G. Garden: bitroductoiy note to Country Correspondence for the year 1748. 87 Sarojini Regani: Op.cit., pp.545-52. Northern Sartor's under The Tint Nizam (1724-1748) 47 was brought up in Vizianagaram by Vijiararaa Raju after he was rescued from the captivity of Nuruddin Khan, the then Nawab’s Deputy in Chicocole and Rajahmundry Sarkars,during the Battle of Chebroie, in 1737/8. Viziarama Razu was successful in winning over Miamat Aii, the Amin at Peddapuram, by bribing him Rs. 90,000/- and got Jagapathi Razu reinstated in his ancestral Zamindary, in 1749. 88 Jaffer Aii Khan the Nawab of Musthaphanagar, Eilore, Rajahmundry and Chicacole Sarkars, was not in good terms with Vijiarama Razu. So, he could not vouchsafe the illegal transfer of Peddapuram by Ms Deputy, Niamat Aii, but his attempts to take back the Zamindary by force were foiled by Jagapathi Razu for more than once. 89 Jaffer Aii Khan was not sure of his position under the new Nizam, Salabat Jung. Jaffer Aii was asked to return to Golkonda. However, Jaffer Aii succeeded in being reinstated in his previous position in 175 L He could not brook the haughty demeanour of Vijiarama Razu of Vizianagann and hence, their rivalry resumed. 90 The English were very much worried about the growing French' predominance in Deccan. Though England and France were at peace in Europe, the internal dissensions in Deccan could not keep them aloof and peaceful. Muzaffar Jung, out of gratitude to the French for their assistance in the Battle of Ambur (Aug 3, 1749) had conferred on them the sea port of Masulipatam and Divi Island, an area of 22 miles yielding revenue of Rs. 8 lakhs per annum. 91 In fact, Masulipatam and Divi islands were granted to the English formerly but they did not occupy the area. The subsequent elevation of the French in Deccan opened the eyes of the English who realised the imminent danger that the French might spread to other' areas in the Northern Sarkars and the English had to wind up their business on the Coromandal Coast This forced them to recultivate friendship with the local Zamindars and the officials of the Nizam in the Northern Sarkars. 88 V.R. Jagapathi Vanna: Peddapura Charitramu , p.83. 89 Enugu Lakshmana Kavi: Ramavilasam gives a eulogy of Jagapathi Vaima’s valour. 90 Fort St. George: Country Correspondence, (Pub.) Lr.No.51 ,to Jaffer Aii, Dt.4.4.1751. 91 Sarojini Regani: Op.cit, p. 25. 48 Andhra Between The Empires The English wrote to Jaffer Ali Khan 92 , the Nawab of the four Sarkars to Yijiarama Razu 93 'the most powerful Zamindar in the Sarkar of Chicacole and Niamat Ail Khan, 94 Foujdar of Masulipatam, cautioning them against the French who might occupy all the Sarkars 'little by little’. The Residents of Ingeram, Modapoliam, Vizagapatam etc. were ordered to hoist their colours on all the sea-ports on the coast and cultivate good, friendship with , the Zamindars against the French. The Foujdar of Masulipatam informed his inability to assist the English in hoisting their colours on the Port of Masulipatam, because the country was already in the hands of the French and he was there only to settle some accounts of revenue. 95 As a matter of fact, the English could not occupy this part by themselves by force since they were still preoccupied in the South (in the Carnatic affairs). 96 The French immediately retaliated to the action of the English. Jaffar Ali Khan was ordered by the Nizam, Salabat lung, under the French influence, to demolish all the English settlements in the area. As Jaffer All Khan was recently reinstated in Ms position, he acted immediately by sending a force to Ingeram to demolish the English settlements over there. The English, on hearing from Westcott, the Resident at Ingeram, wrote to Jaffer Ali enquiring about the cause of his action against the English settlements, reminding him of their age-old friendship. 97 Realising the futility of writing to Jaffer Ali, the English wrote to the Rajah .of Vizianagaram who was an enemy of Jaffer Ali, imploring him to safeguard their interests in that region from the onslaught of the Nizam’s forces with the connivance of the French. The Madras Council ordered Westcott, the Resident of Ingeram, to see the Rajah personally and acquaint him with the latest developments. Later, Jaffer Ali denied these proceedings against the English on his own accord. He wrote to the English that the French caused these orders 92 Records of Fort St. George : Country Correspondence, Pub. Dept, Lr. No. 51 addressed to Jaffer Ali, Dt 4th Apr. 1751, p.23. 93 Ibid.: Lr. No. 52 to Vijiarama Razu, Dt 4th Apr. 1751, p. 24. 94 Ibid.: Lr. No. 53 to Nizmat Ali Khan, Dt 4th Apr. 1751, p.24. 95 Ibid.: Lr. No. 55 (Pub.) to the Foujdar, Dt 16th Apr. 1751, p.25. 96 C.S. Srinivasa Chary: Amnda Ranga RUM, pp.164-65; 169,176-78. 97 Ibid. : Country Correspondence,Lr.No. 148, to Jaffer All, Dt 29th Oct 1751, pp. 68 & 69 . lor them Sarkars under the First Nizam (1724-1748) 49 issued to him through Ramadas Punt 99 (Ramadas Punt or Ramadas Pandit who was appointed Peshkar of Nasir Jung, was a partisan of the French and elevated to the position of Divan during the period of Salabat Jung, on the rec¬ ommendation of the French), Jaffer Ail was, from the beginning of Ms career in the Northern Sarkars, a sympathiser of the English. But, he was forced to comply with the orders of the Court since the Nizam was a puppet in the hands of the French. When the Northern Sarkars were granted to the French in 1753, ne attempted to oppose the French occupation of the Northern Sarkars. He had even gone to the extent of making friendship with his bitter enemy, Vijiarama Razu to prevent the French entry into the Sarkars in 1753. The Vizagapatam Council was very much afraid of Jaffer AM who was insisting upon the removal of the English settlements. TtieNawab, Jaffer All, was asking them to withdraw their business on the pretext that he was recalled by the court and a new Nawab might cause .greater loss to their settlements. The Fort.St. David which was looking after the affairs of the English during the Madras was under the seizure of the French, felt that Jaffer All was only scheming to collect some presents under this threat. 100 Jaffer. All Khan wrote to Westcott at Ingeram and Andrews at Mo- dapollam that they should remove their effects and vacate the settlements im¬ mediately. Westcott withdrew to a small island at the mouth of the river Godavari and Andrews took shelter in Bandamurlanka. Bandamurlanka was better situated for trade since the French claimed an exclusive right to the Modapollam river. But, the Factory of the English at Modapollam was not destroyed by the Nawab’s troops. 101 . Due to the rise of the French predominance in Deccan, the reputation of the English among the Zamihdars has sunk too low. The English were also afraid that the French might also instigate the Zamindars of the Northern Sarkars to attack their other settlements on the coast. 102 98 . Records of Fort St George: Country Correspondence (Pub.) Lr, No. 145 to Vijiarama Razu, Dt 28th Oct 1751, p. 67. 99 Ibid.: (Military Dept) Lr. No.8 from Jaffer Ali, Dt 27th Dec. 1753 and Reed. 7th Jan. 1754. 100 Dodwell: Madras Despatches , p. 146. 101 Ibid.: p.146, 101 Ibid.: p. 149. 50 Andhra Between The Empires The grant of Masulipatam and Divi was a boon for the French as the area was of great strategic importance in the Sarkars. They fortified Divi and built batteries at the entrance to the river Modapollam. This had cut off the English supplies from North to the South or vice-versa. The English could not a ttar* Divi as they had no forces to spare and they could support their r.iaim to the area by force only when they succeeded in the Carnatic. 103 Since Jaffer Ali turned cold towards the English, they were forced to turn to Vijiarama Razu to strengthen him to counter-balance in the Sarkars of Chicacole and Rajahmundry. 104 However, Jaffer Ali became less offensive towards the English after his return from the Court in 1752. He withrew his previous order relating to the demolition of the English settlements and restored Ingeram and Modapol¬ lam to the English. 105 103 Dodwell: Madras Despatches, p. 149, for the year 1751-5Z 104 Ibid 105 Ibid: p. 172 Three THE FRENCH IN THE SARKARS As the matters were conveniently accommodated between Salabat Jung and the Marathas after the murder of Ghaziuddin, the eldest son of Asaf Jah-I, Salabat Jung granted Kondavidu (Musthaphanagar) and territories around Masulipatam to the French. 1 2 Kondavidu was reputed as a wealthy district which bordered on the territory which the French already held (Masulipatam). The area was also improtant for supplying many varieties of cotton cloth which formed the main portion of the exports to Europe. Its acquisition was, therefore, mostly welcomed. On receipt of the news, Dupliex felt that "the Company had, then much territory that needed ... we should ... limit ourselves to what we possess in the North .” 1 Bussy managed to procure the Northern Sarkars for the French in 1753 in lieu of the arrears to be paid to the French by the Nizam for keeping the French regiment and the grant was confirmed by the Treaty of Auran¬ gabad signed by Salabat Jung on 23rd. Nov.1753. 3 This can be considered as the first ever Subsidiary Treaty made by a native prince with a European power. 4 1. THE INTRIGUES OF THE FRENCH IN NORTHERN SARKARS Dupliex, the French Governor, was, from the beginning, aiming at the possession of the Northern Sarkars. Under his directions, Bussy, all the time, was insisting the Nizam to mortgage these Sarkars in lieu of his dues. Syed Lashker Khan, the Divan, was alive to the danger in allowing the French to 1 Sarojini Regani :Op.cit., p. 62. 2 Dodwelf: Dupliex and Clive : The beginning of an Empire, p. 89. : 3 W. Holiingberry : History of his late Highness, Nizam Ali Khan , p. 88, Col. G.R. Malleson : History of the French in India, p. 160. 4 Briggs : The Nizam -/, VoL I, p. 160. 52 Andhra Between The Empires possess such a long tract of the Coast, So, Syed Lashkar Khan offered Bussy a much larger tract of country in the winter land, provided Bussy agreed to give up his demand for the Northern Sarkars. 5 Even before Bussy’s requisition of the Sarkars, Dupliex was intrigu¬ ing with Jamal Mohammed, the agent of Vijiarama Razu, the Rajah of Vizianagaram, who had previously helped the English when the latter's factories at Vizagapatam and other parts were attacked by Jaffer AH under the instructions of Salabat Jung. The Rajah was promised more mansabs, Jagirs and honours and supply of powder, shot, cannon, if only he should destroy the English settlements in the region. 6 Bussy sent the patents for the Sarkars to Moracin, the French Resident at Masulipatam, with instructions to take immediate possession of the Sarkars. 7 Bussy appointed Moracin as Ms Deputy and opened his mind to Moracin that the French should support Vijiarama.Razu by sending him ammunition instead of Ms adversary, Jaffer Ali. It was also hinted that the French should instigate Jaffer All's sepoys to desert him and join the Rajah. 8 Bussy preferred friendsMp with the Rajah who was the most powerful of the local Zamindars and so, more effective in collecting the dues in those .Sarkars. Jaffer Ali was a temporary deputy of the Nizam and had no support of the local cMefs. The French thought that, once, they were safely settled in the province, they could tell the English, “I rule; the time to look into my rights is passed.” 9 On the other side, the English tried to unite Jaffer Ali and Vijiarama Razu against the French eversince they heard the plan of their European counterparts. Jaffer Ali and Vijiarama Razu had been quarelling since 1749 when Vijiarama Razu got Jagapathi Razu reinstated in Peddapuram Zam- indary by giving illegal gratification to Miamat Ali. 5 C.S. Srinivasa Chary : Op.cit p. 253 Orme: Military transactions: Vol I. p. 334. 6 Ibid. : p.253. 7 Ibid.: p.253. 8 A. Martieau: Bussy in Deccan (1941), pp. 151 & 152; "I (Bussy) expect praise from the Nawab and Mohmadans for having saved these provinces and made them obliged to the French for having opposed the Rajah's invasion. You (Moracin) must intrigue so well as to lead Jaffer Ali almost at the edge of downfall. For the flames of discord, as much as you can betwen Jaffer Ali and Raj. Ills to our interest that these two men should not agree." 9 Ibid. The French in Northern Sorters 53 The English wrote to Vijiarama Razu June 20,1753 that Salabat Jung was not secure in Ms Government to turn off the French. Vijiarama Razu was offered gunpowder and Pigot, the Chief at Vizagapatam, was instructed to be agreeable to him. 10 The English hinted to Jaffer All to make friendship with the Rajah of Vizianagaram as early as in November, 1753. 11 Similarly, they wrote to Vijiarama Razu that ail differences between Mm and Jaffer Ali should be accommodated in the interests of all. 12 But, they continued belligerency till Dec 1753 'when Jaffer Ali was defeated and Vijiarama Razu was at an advantageous position placing his guards in Chicacole, Yakapuram, Kasim Kota and Banapuram. 13 Jaffer Ali Khan shut himself up .in the Fort of Rajahmundry and Vijiarama Razu arrived, in pursuit, within the distance of a Coss (two miles) from Rajahjmundry. 14 The situation was quite alarming to the English in the wake of the grant of the Sarkars to the French. The English Chief at Ingeram, Westcott, who was reported to have said that he would die rather than allow the French to be in possession of the Sarkars, was, however, successful in drawing both the belligerents to an agreement. 15 Vijiarama Razu wrote to the English that Jaffer Ali a with great civility and entreating 44 sent Ibrahim Ali Khan with some 'proper 5 persons of his own to visit him and to negotiate peace with him. 16 Jafffer Ali Khan, when summoned to the Court, resolved not to resign the Sarkars and fight the French alongwith the Rajah of Vizianagaram, making peace with Mm forgetting all his differences for a common cause. 17 TMs indicates the strong resolution of Jaffer All to keep the French out of the Northern Sarkars by -, working together with the Rajah of Vizianagaram. 10 Records of Fort St. George: Country Correspondence: Military Dept Lr. No. 126 to Vijiarama Razu, Vol. 1753, p. 79. 11 Ibid.: Lr. No. 263 to Jaffer Ali, Dt 8th Nov. 1753. . 12 Ibid.: Lr. No. 264 to Vijiarama Razu, Dt. 8th Nov. 1753. 13 Records of Fort Sl George: Country Corresondence: Military Dept. Lr. No. 306 from Vijirama Razu, Reed. 15th Dec. 1753. 14 Ibid.: Lr. No. 24 From Vijiarama Razu, Dt 13th Dec. 1753, Reed. 14th Jan. 1754. . 15 A. Mardneau : Op.ctt, p. 178. 16 Idem: Lr. No. 24. 17 Onme: Opcit.,Vol.I, p.373. 54 Andhra Between The Empires Jaffer AM, then, wrote to Westcott on Dec 27, 1753, that he had enlisted or gathered 5000 men, both old and new, with horse, and 20,000 peons. He, further, told that all Zamindars of Musthaphanagar, Ellore and Rajahmundry together with Vijiarama Razu and Ongole Rajah, “took an oath of Union to beat the French and hinder them from taking the management. 6418 Jaffer AM Khan requested Westcott to write to the Governor at Madras to send military assistance to him with all possible speed. He, also, assured the English of his assistance and co-operation in developing their factories at Ingeram, Wupera, Vizagapatam and Modapollam and he also offered to let out the villages lying about these factories to the English. 19 He wrote to the English that he collected 30,000 peons and 5000 horse and crossed river Godavari with a design to punish the French. He sent his family to Vizagapatam for protection and requested the English to help him with 500 English soldiers and two mortors immediately. 20 But, the English were prevented from helping Jaffer All and Vijiar¬ ama Razu owing to the situation prevailing in the Carnatic. 21 The English forces available in the north were too scanty to be able to oppose Bussy with any hope of success. So, the Madras Council ordered Westcott’s project to be abondoned with for the time-being. 22 Moracin, too, was not having troops enough at Masulipatam to reduce the united forces of the Rajah and Jaffer AM. First, Moracin offered to make a strong pact with Jaffer AM and to be themediator of peace between him and the Rajah. 23 Vijiarama Razu responded to the French proposal for peace and sent Balabhadra Razu, one of his relatives, to inform the French at Masulipatam that he was not a friend of English Company though they had offered him 130 men in view of upsetting the designs of the French, but, the Rajah felt that it would be hard to conclude peace with Jaffer AIL 24 As a matter of fact, Vijiarama Razu did not whole-heartedly agree to form a union with Jaffer AM and Rajah Ranga Rao of Bobbili with whom he had ancestral enemity. 25 18 Records ofFort St George: Country Correspondence: Military Dept 1754, Lr.No.8 from Jaffer Ali, Dt 27th Dec. 1753. 19 Ibid. 20 Dodwell: Op.cit, p. 218, Dt 9th Mar. 1754. 21 Ibid.: Dt9thMar. 1754,p.218. ' 22 Dodwell: Dupleix and Ctive, p. 92. 23 A. Martineaii; Op.cit, p. 152. 24 Ibid. ■ 25 E.V. Jagapathi Vanna: Peddapura Samastham Charitramu, pp. 9Q&91. The French in Northern Sarkars 55 So, Moracin, with the assistance of Pane®, the manager of the French factory at Narsapur who persuaded the Rajah to come to Masulipatam, could easily make overtures to Vijlarama Razu offering him to farm out the countries of Rajahmundry and Chicaeole Sarkars at a lower rate than they had ever been valued at. 26 The provinces of Chicaeole and Rajahmundry were rented out for 16 lakhs of rupees out of which 4 lakhs which Jaffer AM had already collected was to be deducted. 27 The English tried till the last moment, (i.e., Jan 11, 1754) entreating Vijiarama Razu to accommodate the matters between him and Jaffer All as. the French were taking the advantage of their differences. 28 But, their inability to send him force turned the scales and Vijiarama Razu had accepted the French offer. The withdrawal of Vijiarama Razu from the Union had a great effect, on the other Zamindars and most of them deserted him (Jaffer Ali). 29 Mother difficulty was that the payments to sibbendy (force) had fallen in arrears. Due to the efforts of Vijiarama Razu and the French, most of his sibbendy also left his service. Finding himself abondoned by all, Jaffer. Ali “quitted his country full of indignation” and determined to take refuge with 'the Maratha leader, Raghoji who was at Nagpur. He prevailed upon his son, Janoji, to make an incursion into the Chicaeole Sarkar through the hills. 30 The Marathas ravaged the Sarkars, Janoji defeated Vijiarama Razu at Vizianagaram who fled to Masulipatam for help. Later, Vijiarama Razu with the help, of the French under Moracinfoughtthe Marathas at Tumapala. Here, the Marathas suddenly withdrew recrossing the river Godavari with enormous booty that they have collected by plunder and later, they showed little interest to the cause of Jaffer Ali. The Marathas, also plundered the Dutch factory at Bimlipatam. Considering Jaffer AM’s friendship with the English, they spared the English factory at Vizagapatam from their plun¬ der. 31 26 Orme: Military Transactions : VoLI, Book V. t p. 373; C,S. Srinivasa Chary: Arnnda Ranga Filial, p. 344; Dodwdi: Dupleix and Clive : p. 93. 27 A. Martinieu : Bussy m Deccan , p. 192; The rent varies from source to source. 28 Records of Fort St George : Country Correspondence: (Military Dept) Lr.No.l 1 to Vijiarama Razu, Dt 1 1th Jan. 1754, p. 6 of the Vol for the year, 1754. 29 Records of FortS.George: Country Correspondence: (Military Dept.) 1754. Lr. No. 92, Reed. 13th. Mar. 1754. 30 A. Martineau: Op.cit, p. 192; Qrme:Op.cit > Vol. I, pp.373 & 374. 31 Dime: Op.cit, Vol.!, p.374. 56 Andhra Between The Empires By this time, all Zamindars joined the French and everyone styled himself to be Naib of a town as he pleased. 32 Thus dejected, Jaffer AM proceeded to Aurangabad and surrendered himself to Salabat lung. There he formed an anti-French party with Syed Lashkar Khan, the Divan, and tried to impress the Nizam against the French. 33 Ibrahim Ali Khan, Deputy to Jaffer Ali, was of the opinion, “If Vijiarama Razu had at first declared himself an enemy to us, we should not have been mined in this mannerT 34 Jaffar Ali .also narrated to the English the insincerity of Vijiarama Razu with whom the English desired him to make friendship even at the loss of Peddapuram Estate. 35 He wrote that he was' going to the Court to work for the extirpation of the French keeping his family in Vizagapatam" under the protection of the English. 36 The English felt much for Jaffer Alps fate and wrote that against their wish, Vijiarama Razu was blinded by his ambition and that "he was grasping at a shadow’and "will be deceived soon." The English were sure that the Rajah would quarrel with the French when the revenue was due for payment 37 Though Vijiarama Razu joined the French for his personal benefit, he still maintained good relations with the English. He wrote a letter to John Andrews, Chief at Modapollam that he had taken charge of the country and warned tham to be careful as the French might destroy 'their factories. 38 This communication removed the fears from the minds of the English who were assured that their settlement would not be disturbed on account of the present position of the Rajah. 39 32 Records of Fort. Si. George: Country Correspondence :(Milit, Dept.) Lr. from Ibrahim Reed. 13, March. 1754. 33 Ibid: Lr. No. 91. From Ibrahim Dt. 20th. Feb, p.54; Orm eiMiiitary Transactions, p.375; CS. Srinivasa Chary: Amnda Range Pillai: pp. 320 & 21; Lr from Ibahim Khan: p. 55. ■ 35 Ibid: Lr, No. 95 From Jaffer Ali: Dl 5th Feb. 1754, p. 57 . 36 Ibid. 37 Fort. St George: Country Correspondence.(Milit) Lr. No. 130 to Nawab Jaffer Ali, Dt. 4th Apr. 1754. p. 74; Bodwell: Madras Despatches. 1754, p. 219. 38 Fort. St. George: Country Correspondence (Military) No. 9, p. 5. ■■ 39 Dodwell : Madras Despatches. 1754, p. 219. The French in Northern Sarkars 57 YijiaramaRazu wrote* 40 io the EngiLn o'! July 26,1754 deploring the absence of correspondence between them, however lie maintained contact, now and then, with the chiefs at Vizagpatam and Inge ram. Ha also declined the idea of occupying these places when proposed by die French and Mohammad Ibrahim Khan, their Deputy. Yijiarama Razu requested the English to help fortifying the Forts of Vizianagaram and Peddapurani. He also said that he would pretend friendship with the French, till such time as he would receive an answer and military help from the English. But the English expressed their helplessness in the matter due io the French activity in Arcot and advised him to cultivate friendship with Nawab Jatfer Ah Khan forgetting the past. 41 The Rajah was supplied with military requirements through the Chief at Vizagapatam on and often.' 2 2. BUSSY’S REVENUE SETTLEMENT OF THE SARKARS Sine Bussy was otherwise engaged at Hyderabad, he could not divert Ms attention to the administration of these parts till June 1754. After hearing the troubles with the Zamindars followed by the Marathas incursion, Bussy was asked by Dupieix to restore order in Rajahmundry and Chicacole Sarkars, to collect the peshcush from the Zamindars and arrange for prompt payment and return speedily to the Court of the .Nizam. 43 Bussy left Aurangabad for the Sarkars on June 9, 1754 and met Moracin on July 5, at Bezwada and learnt from him ’the deterioration that had set in the administration of the Sarkars .and the pecuniary difficulties of the French. * Vijiarama Razu had neither the inclination nor the means to pay the arrears to the French all the while, the energy and resources of the French troops under Dugrez were dissipated in an aimless manner in putting down the rebellious Poiygars. 44 The news about the arrival of Bussy in the Sarkars had a.marked effect. He left for Rajamundry via Ellore and held a Durbar there. Almost all the Zamindars hastened to offer their allegiance to him, 40 Fort St George: Country Correspondence, tom VijiaramRazu No. 318 Dt 26th July, 1754, Received 30-8-1754, p. 158. 41 Fort St George: Country correspondence.(Mi!itary) No. 326 to Vijiarama Razu, Dt 7th Sept, 1754. 42 Ibid. 43 . C. Sreenivasa Qiary: Op.cit, p. 279. 44 Sarojini Regani: Op.cit, p. 81. 53 Andhra Between The Empires The arrangements made earlier by Moracin were not advantageous. Though the Sarakars of Chicacole and Rajahmundry were let out to Vijiar- ama Razu for Rs. 18 lakhs and the actual produce was less than Rs. 11 1/2 lakhs. Bussy complained, in May 1754, that their troops were reduced to beggary and that he had had to sell his personal jewels to meet the expenses of his troops. 43 Bussy did not attempt a drastic change either in the internal admini¬ stration or in the hereditary personnel employed for the collection" of* reve¬ nues. 46 The Zamindars “were generally permitted to enjoy under the French sanads , their russoms and Saverums or conditional hereditary privileges amounting to 3 to 12 per cent of the revenue collected.’' 47 Yijiarama Razu had resigned the-posts of Naib for .the two Sarkars. However, Bussy pursuaded'him to take Rajahmundry- Sarkar for Rs. 13 Lakhs and he was made a Mansabdar of 2000 with the title, Manna Sultan Mina, The Rajah of Bobbili and Peddapuram were made Mansabdars of 1000. Ibrahim Khan Gardi was made Deputy at Chicacole for Rs. 9 lakhs, and Ellore and Mustaphanagar were given to Hussan Ali Beg for a rent of 9 lakhs of rupees. 48 - - “The total yield of Rs, 31 lakhs was expected for the year 1754-55. But Bussy, in his own Memoirs, estimated the sum total of the agreements with the various Zamindars at Rs. 18 1/2 lakhs for the year 1754-55, a sum if fully realised would have just met the expenses of the Deccan army.” 49 While returning to Aurangabad towards the close of the year 1754, Bussy had instructed for a general survey of the Sarkars and the Hustabond (assessment). The Zamindars were bound to maintain the public peace, defray all charges of collections and keep on foot a sibbendy corps or militia of 12000 infantry. 50 45 Dodwell: Dupieix and Clive, p. 93. 46 Lanka Sundaram; Revenue Administration in Northern Sarkars: Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society: Vol. VII, Part-I, My, 1932, p. 34. 47 James Grant: Op.cit, p. 14. 48 Dodwell: Dupieix and Clive: p. 93; Sarojini Regain: Opxit, p. 82 49 C.S. Srinivasa Chary: Opxit, p. 279; Dodwell: Opxit, p. 93. 50 James Grant: Opxit, p. 14; Lanka Sundaram: Opxit, July, 1932, p. 34. The French in Northern Sarkars' 59 Cap. Grant Duff wrote, in terms of ptfe sc, that during the French occupation of Sarkars, 44 the rent was moderate, enforced without rigours; accurate accounts were prepared, and nest of the heriditary officers, ifnoi those possessing rent-free lands, were confirmed k their property”. 51 Lanka Sundaram, comparing fee French revenues with the collections of Hussain Ali Khan in the later period, concludes feat even when allo wances had been made for the presence of military expenses, the French revenue settlement of the Sarkars seemed excessive . 52 The Madras Council understood that Bussy could collect a handsome amount as he left the countries under the head of a well-appointed army whi fl¬ awed all the Zemindars in the Sarkars . 53 . "For seven years, the completes!, anurchv ever recorded in d:; history of Hindoostan prevailed over all the five Sarkars. The forms, nay. even tire remembrances of civil Government seemed to be wholly lost ". 54 51 Col. G.B. Malleson: The Decisive Battles of India : 1746-1849. (914), p. 1 ^History of the French in India »p. 381. 52 Lanka Sundaram : Op.cit, JAHRS, Vol. vii, Part-I, July, 1932, p. 38. Revenue in Rupees Sarkar Bussy's Collections Hussain All Khan’s Collections Chicacole 11,50,000 5,00,000 Rajahmindry 16,75,200 11,44,000 Ellore 8,52,000 6,27,404 Mutaphanagar 6,16,000 4,46,800 Murtuzanagar 2,44,000 8,60,000 Different sources have given different accounts of revenue estimates during the French occupation of Northern Sarkars which are as follows: Estimates of Gross Revenue (in Rupees) 1. Salabat Jung to the King of France (Country 32,00,000 . - / 2. Bussy : Correspondence) No. 174, for the year 1756, Page: 89. Memoir, Pages. 43,44. 20,39,832 3. Madras Records Military Consultations: 13th. 52,37,200 4. James Grant : Aug. 1764, Vol.51, P.598-605 Political Survey: Fiiminger: 593,243 5. Hollingsberry : Vol. iii. Pages. 51-53. Nizam Ali Khan, Page. LVII 31,00,000 53 Records of Fort St George: Militaiy Cons. Vol.51, Dt 13th Aug. 1754, p. 598. 54 James Grant: Op.cit, VoLIII, Appendix. 13. 60 Andhra Between The Empires 3. PROPOSALS FOR PEACE BETWEEN TWO EUROPEAN POWERS TRADING IN INDIA Despite the peace subsisting between England and France in Europe, they were running neck to neck in their rivalry.in India. Both the Govern* meats were anxious to arrive at an agreement with regard to their affairs in India. The Governments had, obviously, instructed their respective Compa¬ nies to establish peace. The French Company deputed one of their Directors, Duvelaer and his brother, Count du Lude, to London to meet the Secret Committee of the Company in May 1753. The peace question was also discussed between the French Ambassador, de Mirepix and the English Ministry. All parties, ofcourse, agreed on the necessity of re-establishing peace. 55 A Project of an agreement between the English and the French East India Companies was delivered to Duvelaer, on Nov 8, 1753, 56 that all hostilities should cease immediately, the Companies should confine them¬ selves to commerce and should not take sides in any dispute arising among country powers; the orders should be passed immediately to stop all hostili¬ ties and withdraw their troops into their respective territories; all prisoners should on either side be restored; trade should be carried on the same footing as it was before 1744, and among other matters relating to the Carnatic, Divi Island and Masulipatam should be evacuated by whichever Company was in possession of them; and handover to the Nizam after demolishing all fortifi¬ cations recently raised if the Nizam so desired and that without prejudice to the existing rights of other European Companies, they should be allowed to establish factories at Masulipatam but should not keep more troops there than might be agreed upon as absolutely necessary for their protection. By this Scheme, the English aimed at striking the French predomi¬ nance in Deccan. So, it was quite obvious that the French raised many objections in their 'Memorial of Observations’ on the English Scheme, dated Feb 4,1754, 57 The French were willing to make sacrifices but not at the cost of their dignity. The French refused to withdraw their troops wMch amounted to the instantaneous surrender of all their conquests. So, they presented a fresh Project of Convention on Feb 12,1754, 58 in which the French accepted to evacuate Masulipatam and Divi, but, they wanted to reserve, themselves 55 Dodweil: Dupieix & Clive : (1920), pp. 76 & 77. 56 Dodweil: Madras Despatches: 1753-54, pp. 234 & 235, 57 Dodweil: Madras Despatches , pp. 234 & 235. 58 Ibid.: pp. 237 & 239. The French in Northern Sarkars 61 all the other concessions made to them in the Deccan, and they proposed the retrocession of the several territories to the nat; v e powers should be made by the two Companies simultaneously after the destruction of all new fortifica¬ tions. The English, in their ’Observations on the French Project for Treaty’, could not admit the French claim of over 12,734 Sq. Miles round Masuli- patam. 59 The English preferred continuance ofthe war if the French confined to their old limits. In fact, the main objective of the English was to evacuate the French from Masulipatam, the occupation of which entitled the latter to bring Northern Sarkars into their fold and exercise control on the Nizam. On the other hand, the French were prepared to lose the right to occupy Masulipatam, Divi island with the surrounding countries provided the Subedar of Deccan acceded to the Treaty . 60 The French and the Engli sh Companies lacked sincerity in their inten¬ tions to make peace. All the while, they tried to bargain for advantage at the cost of the other. While these peace negotiations were going on between the two. Companies, the developments in India were taking altogether a different turn. While the French were losing ground in the Carnatic, Dupleix was recalled in 1754 before he could establish the French firmly in their recent acquisi¬ tions. The English were intriguing with the Marathas against Salabat Jung so that they could strike at the root of the French predominance. They also prepared a plan for the preservation of the English Settlements in India on Dec 6,1754. 61 In this plan, the Company agents at Bombay and Madras were advised to concert measures in conjunction with the neighbouring Nawabs and especially with the Marathas in order to reduce Salabat Jung. They hoped that the Nobles, lately dispossessed of their employment by the Fr ench, would certainly join them. They planned that the Bombay aiiny should join the Marathas in marching on Deccan, whereas, in Carnatic, a defensive policy waste be followed. To justify their attack, tire English should demand 59 Ibid. 60 Dodwell: Madras Despatches, pp. 237 & 239. 61 Dodwell: Op.dt, 1754-55, pp. 20 & 21. 62 Andhra Between The Empires of Salabat long the restitution of Divi and the factories of Masulipatam etc. To add weight to their demand, the English squadron might lie off Divi on the East Coast. With this, they expected that either peace might be restored or the French might be rooted out of Deccan. ■ Irrespective of their intrigues against each other, Saunders, Governor of the English Company at Madras and Godeheu, the French Governor, however, signed the Convention of Sadras at the close of the year, 1754 , 61 which was later confirmed in the Treaty of Peace in 1755. According to this Treaty/’the two Companies were; forever, to re¬ nounce all Moorish Government and dignity, were never to interfere in any differences that all might arise between the princes of the country and that all places excepting such as should be stipulated to retain the possession of each Company, were to be delivered up to the Government of Indostan.If the English possessions in the kingdom ofTanjore and in the Carnatic together, were of more value than the French possessions in these countries, then the French were to be allowed on equivalent for this difference in a settlement'to be choosen between the river Gondecama (Gundlakamma) and Nizampatam. The districts near Masulipatam were to be ascertained of equal value with island of Divi and of these districts and the island a partition was to be made as the two nations could agree in the choice, to thenothward of 'the districts of Masulipatam, in the Rajahmundry and Chicacole countries, each nation were to have four or five subordinate factories or simple houses of trade, without territorial revenues, chooses so as not to interfere with one an¬ other". 63 Though the Convention, was much against the territorial interests of the French, if the articles were put to practice, it seems, no side had taken up steps for its implementation. Not a French garrison was withdrawn. Bussy, stiU, remained with Salabat lung on the same terms as before. Every thing that Dupleix had contrived to secure was retained; and the 1 French continued to enjoy territories alleged to have produced Rs. 68 lakhs. In addition to this, they were relieved of the burden of the war which the English had Imposed on them. Godeheu, thus, obtained all the material advantage which Dupleix had won, and escaped from the great disadvantage of the Dupleix’s policy which placed .the Company in a dilemma whether to$ give up its acquisitions or send such a force as would effectively break English resistance. 62 ML: ¥oLn,p.250; Aitchlson: Trmks f Engagommis&Samids f ppAA6 f Account of ike War in India, VolX, pp. 71-76. . . 63 Orme: Op.cit, p. 375. The French in Northern Sarkars 63 The day before the treaty was signed, Bussy got a letter from Godeheu, that you (Bussy) need not be anxious about anything you see in it (treaty) for it is only intended to gain time and place the Company in a position to adopt the wisest course when it is informed of the actual state of its affairs, so far from surrendering any thing, we must put ourselves in a position not to lose an inch of territory.” 64 Though Godeheu’s diplomacy was not candid, it accorded very precisely with the French interests and enabled them to enjoy the territory which was acquired by Dupleix, till the out-break of war in 1756. 4. THE IMPACT OF THE TREATY OF SADRAS ON NORTHERNSARKARS Bussy, after settling the affairs in Northern Sarkars arrived in Auran¬ gabad in Jan, 1755; with the permission of the Governor, Godeheu, who saw no harm in the French maintaining normal relations with their Indian allies, as the Convention of Sadras was yet to be ratified by the respective Governments in Europe. But, the Convention had created suspicion in the minds of the native allies. The anti-French party under Shah Nawaz Khan and Ibrahim Ali Khan had become very active and poisoned the ears of Salabat Jung who forced Bussy to follow him to lay seige to Srirangapatam in March 1755. The Rajah of Mysore was an ally of the French. But, Bussy, by a master stroke of diplomacy, was successful in bringing out an agreement between the Nizam and the Rajah of Mysore. As this attempt was foiled, the anti-French party at the Nizam’s Court designed another expedition by the Nizam in alliance with Peshwa Balaji Baji Rab against the Nawab of Savanur and Murari Rao Ghorpade 65 in March 1756. Bussy was very much blamed by the hostile party that he was lenient towards Murari Rao. However, Bussy captured the Fort and arranged peace between the hitherto contending parties, the Nizam and Murari Rao. Shah Nawaz Khan and Jaffer Ali Khan were very much disappointed with these incidents. They determined to work with perseverance until Bussy was dismissed. Shah Nawaz Khan justified his anti-French feelings in his letter to Dupleix. 66 He complained about Bussy’s galling interference in administrative matters. Referring to, indirectly the grant of Northern S arkars 64 Dodwell: Dupleix and Clive : Beginning of an Empire, p. 82 ^ Murari Rao Ghorpade was a MarathaSardar in Gooty and an ally of the French who owed him a sum of Rs. 14 lakhs. 66 Shah Nawaz Khan's Letter to Dnpleix as presented by Yusuf Hussain Khan mDeccan History Congress. 64 Andhra Between The Empires to the French, Shah Nawaz Khan observed that it was against reason and expediency to give away portion of the state which ‘was like a mole on the faceof Deccan’. He strongly felt that it could be in the fitness of things to give them (Native Government) full authority as a free agent to do what was expedient in the circumstances. Shah Nawaz Khan and Jaffer Ali Khan were inducing Salabat Jung to dismiss Bussy from service in the summer of 1756. 67 While Shah Nawaz Khan had enlisted the support of Marathas, Jaffer Ali Khan implored the English to send their ‘ troops with war-like stores’ alongwith Moulvi Hamidud- din, ‘to join the service in the court’ 68 He suggested to the English to send their troops through Ongole, Vinukonda, Chintapalli, Chelkur to Golkonda. 69 The Rajah of Ongole who was an ally of the English, was requested to assist the English troops on their way to Golkonda. 70 He responded favourably and advised Jaffer Ali to request the other Zamindars also in seperale letters, for assistance. 71 The English Governor at Madras, Pigot, declared that the alliance with the Nizam might secure the Company ‘all the advantages desired’. 72 But, the troubles in Bengal prevented them from sending troops to the Deccan. Robert Clive and Kilpatrick were sent-to Bengal at the head of the English forces. So, the English were forced to postpone the replacement of the French in the Deccan. ,. Despite unfavourable circumstances, Bussy succeeded in getting himself reinstated in his old position on Aug 20, 1756 and Salabat Jung restored to Mm all Ms former titles and honours. 73 But, soon, troubles started in the Northern Sarkars since all Zamindars excepting Vijiarama Razu refused to pay their dues to the French on the receipt of letters from Shah Nawaz Khan, the Divan, at the time of the dismissal of Bussy 74 Even Bussy’s own Deputy at Chicacole, Ibrahim Khan, m C. Srinivasa Chary: Op.dt, p. 344. .. _ „ George; Country Correspondence (Milit. Dept.) 1756, No. 193 from Jaffa Alt Khan, IX 16th, Reed 25th July, 1756, p. 99. ® Ibid: Lr.No. 192, fiomjaffer Ali, DUOth, Reed. 25th July, 1756, p. 99. IMd.; LrJto.l99toRajahofOngoIe,DL29th July, 1756,p. 101: 71 Ibid : Lr.No.249 firom Rajah of Ongole, Reed. 3 1st Aug. 1756. 72 Sarojini Regani: Op.cit,p. 102. * 73 DodweU: Dupleix and Clive, pp. 99-100; Madras Despatches 1 1754-1765, p. 68. Dodwell: Dupleix and Clive, p. 100. The Trench in Northern Sarkars 65 disavowed Ms authority* 75 Ibrahim Khan dz Tired himself that lie was a subject to Salabat lung, as soon as, he heard that the French army was detained at Hyderabad. 76 Vijiarama'Razu, judging with more sagacity than Ibrahim Khan,, ordered Ms agents at Golkonda to assure Bussy of his fidelity and the regular payment of his tributes; and one night, “when little expected and most wanted, a man came to Char Mahal and delivered to Bussy a message from Vijiarama Razu and a sum of gold as much as lie could carry concealed under his garments. It was sufficient for the present want and the same man. afterwards furnished more as (and when) necessary”. 77 Vijiarama Razu invited Bussy to the Sarkars to punish the recalcitrant Zamindars, one of them -being his age old enemy, the Rajah of Bobbin (Ranaga Rao ). 78 On Bussy’s recommendations, Vijiarama Razu was made a mansabdar of 4000 and the title of Bahadur was presented to him by the Mizam, Salabat. Jung. 79 ,. Though Vijiarama Razu was on the side of the French, he continued his friendly relations with the English. He maintained great friendship with the English at Vizagapatam and he was receiving supplies of gunpowder, of course, on payment from the English. 80 - The English at Madras were assisting him in his trade there. 81 He was also conveying secretly court news to the English wMle assuring them of Ms friendhsip with them. 82 On hearing the success of Bussy at Hyderabad and the restoration of Sarkars to the French, Vijiarama Razu informed the English that he wished 75 C. Srinivasa Chary : Op.cit, p. 344. 76 Orme: Op.cit, VoLII, p. 103. 77 Ibid : VoL II, p. 103. 78 Dodwell: Dupleix and Clive, pp. 99400. 79 Records of Fort St George: Country Correspondence (Mili. Dept.) Lr.No .335 from . Vijiarama Razu, Dt 25th Nov. 1756, p. 446. 80 Ibid.: Lr.No.103, from Vijiarama Razu, Dt. 8th Jan., Reed. 1st May, 1756, p. 48 ■, 81 Fort St. George: Country Correspondence No. 117, Vijiarama Razu, Dt 15th May, 1756, p. 55. 82 Fort St George: Country Correspondence (Mili.) No.205 from Rajah recieved 3rd Aug. 1756, pp. 103 & 104. 66 Andhra Between The Empires to cultivate Friendship with the French and also with the English at the same time. 83 The change in Ms policy towards the English was due to the helplessness of the English and of the French predominance in the Deccan. So, he showed and also proved his loyalty by sending Ms troops to assist Moracin to suppress the rebeliion of the Rajahmimdry sepoys. He wished to take the fullest advantage of Ms relations with the French by punishing Ms enemy, the Rajah of Bobbili, with the help of the French. 5. BUSSY IN THE SAKKARS TO RESTORE ORDER Bussy, on hearing the 'troubles in the Northern Sarkars, took leave of Salahat Jung on Oct 10,1756 and left for the Sarkars with Law . 84 Bussy arrived at Rajahmundry in the third, week of-Dec 1756 with the object of collecting the balance due in the Sarkars and providing for the future regular payment of dues 85 The Mackenzie’s Kaifiyats 86 of Vlzianagaram speak that, on hearing the march of Bussy into Kaluga (CMcaeole) Sarkar, Vijiarama Razu in¬ tended to oppose Bussy and he even attempted to make friendship with the Zamindar of Bobbili. But, Ranga Rao was not prepared to join hands with Vijiarama Razu. Then Vijiarama Razu, taking an oath to destroy the fort of Bobbili, went to Rajahmundry to submit himself to the French authority. Vijiarama Razu was said to have won over Bussy to Ms side by bribing Dubasi Lakshamanna to report in his favour. Raja Ranga Rao did not visit Bussy because Vijiarama Razu was already camping there. in the Kaifiyat , 87 it is mentioned that the Rajah of Bobbili was maintaining good relations with Moracin at Masulipatam and the Rajah tried to get a recommendatory letter to Bussy, in Ms favour, Vijiarama Razu could succeed in Ms designs by winning overHyderjung, the Diwan of Bussy, with a bribe of Rs. 3 lakhs. On the arrival of Bussy at Rajahmimdry, ah the Zamindars of Ibid.: Country Correspondence, No. 320 from Vijiarama Razu. received 10th Nov- 1756. . . 84 Bod-well: Madras Despatches, 1756-57,p. 90. 85 , r C. Sreenlvasa Quay : Op.tii, p. 345. 86 Mackenzie’s Kifiyat, Vizianagaram, Vol.25, Vol. V, of Telugu Sahitya Akademi, p. The French in Northern Sarkars 67 Rajahmundry and Chicacole excepting the Rajah of Bobbili, paid their homage to Bussy their leige Lord. 88 Rajah of Vizianagaram reached Rajahmundry with 40,000 infantry and 4000 cavalry. 89 But Orme mentions that the Rajah arrived with 10,000 men accompanied by several other Indian chiefs. 90 : - * Besides Vijiarama Razu of Vizianagaram, the following Zamindars visited Bussy at Rajahmundry to pay their obedience. Jagannatha Razu .of Kakarlapudi, Ramabhadra Fayaka Razu of Satyavaram; Hubli Kashipathi Raju of Sringavaram Kota; Raja Vatsavaya Rayapa Razu of Peddapuram; Linga BhupatM of Madgul; MandapatM Raghunatha Razu of Ponnamanda etc. 91 So, the absence of Raja Ranga Rao was conspicuous. Ibrahim Khan who had revolted against the authority of the French, fled on hearing the news of Bussy’s arrival .and took refuge in the Fort of Bobbili. When the Fort of Bobbili was about to be seized, Ibrahim Khan left 'the Fort on. the advice of Rajah. Ranga Rao and also of VijiaramaRazu. Later, he reached Aurangabad and submitted himself to the Nizam. 92 This shows that there were plans to oppose Bussy in the Sarkars under the leadership of Ibrahim Khan. The Rajah of Vizianagaram could not get help from Ms English friends in time owing to the outbreak of war in Bengal and also due to the seven years war in Europe when the French and the English were fighting against each other. So, the Rajah might have changed Ms mind and decided to submit to Bussy. Bussy’s recent success over Salabat Jung and Ms appearance in the Sarkars had scared the Zamindars who withdrew their support to Ibrahim Khan. Like Ms predecessor Jaffer Ali Khan, Ibrahim Khan'also failed to free the Northern Sarkars from the foreign yoke. ■ ■■ ; 87 Katakam Kaifiyat as mentioned in Gurujada Srkama Murthy : Ravu Yamsiya Charitramu (Telugu) pp. 69-72; It is not confirmed by anyother authority that the Rajah of Bobbili was in good terms with the French at Masulipatam and tried to influence Bussy with Moracin’s interference. But, Ananda Ranga HIM, in his diary, refers to the preparations of Ibrahim Khan with the help of Rajah Vijiyarama Razu and Ranga Rao. 88 Diflakavi Marayana: Rangaraya Charitramu. 89 Ibid. . 90 Orme: Opxii, VoLII, p. 254. , 91 Kattakam Kaifiyat, G. Sreerama Murthy: Ravu Yamsiya Charitra (Tel.), p. 69-72. 92 €. Sreenivasa Chary : Op.cit, p. 340. 68 .Andhm Between The Empires L THE BATTLE OF BOB BUI Unfortunately, one of Bussy’s detachments was cut off in the woods in the neighbourhood of Bobbiii. The Rajah of Bobbiii turned down the proposal of Bussy to give up their ancestral Zamindary for other lands of greater value and extent in another part of the Sarkars. So, Bussy, out of anger, marched to the Fort of Bobbiii and seized it on Ian 24,1757. Robert Orme gave a very graphic picture of the defences of Bobbiii. Raja Ranga Rao and tils men fought bravely and were killed in the battle while the women conducted Jauhar . The tragedy of Bobbiii was a momentous historical event in the annals of Northern Sarkars. 93 Venkata Rangarao, the son of the deceased Ranga Rao, was then a boy of five years. He was, however, favoured by Bussy who confirmed him to the lagir that he proposed earlier to his father. Thus, Venkata Ranga Rao was given Kothapalli as Jagir under the protection of VengalaRayndu, a brother of Ranga Rao. But after the death of Vengala Rayudu in 1756, Sitharama Razu, the ihemBiwm ofVizianagaram, occupied Kavita,Rajam .and Kothapalli and imprisoned Venkata Ranga Rao. He, however, escaped from Vizianaga¬ ram .and went to Hyderabad. In 1794, he was reinstated to his ancestral Estate through the intervention of the Nizam** Hie fall of Bobbiii taught the other Zamindars .a lesson and all ideas of rebellion on the East Coast ceased. Bussy was able to collect Rs. 41 lakhs this year - a third more than what was agreed upon in 1756. 95 Bussy appointed Law to the Governorship of Ellore and Rajahmundry. Vijiarama Razu. was killed by Ranga Rao’s men in Ms own tent on the 3rd night after the fall of Bobbiii (Jan 27, 1757). Bussy installed Ananda Razu, a son of Vijiarama Razitis .elder brother, to Ms ancestral Estate along with Bobbiii. But, he was disappointed, with the arrangements of Bussy and later turned hostile to the.French. The reasons for turning hostile to the French might be due to the high handed behaviour of Bussy in depriving Ananda Razu of the management of Chicacole and Rajahmundry Sarkars. On hearing about Vijiarama Razu’s death; the English, sent a condo¬ lence message 55 to Ananda Razu and appealed to him to continue friendsMp. 95 .Orme :Op.cit,p. 254 - 260 ; Regan! :Op.cit,pp. 104-106; C.Sreenivasa Chary; Op.cit, P* 340-343; Dodwell : Dupkiz & Clive, pp. 99-100; Meckenzie's Kaifiyat's, V.R. Varma : Ptddapuram CharUram f pp. 95- 100; Dittakavi: Rangaraju Cha.rUramu. 94 G.SreenmMi)rthy:£n/^KViflmft^ ; 95 Dodwell :Dupleix.& Clive, p. 100. .. 56 Records of Fort SL George: Lr.No.93 to Anandarazu, Bl 23rd March, 1757. The French in Northern Sorters 69 The English warned him to be cautious in fc:r „ * dings with the Trench. Early in June 1757, Bussy directed Law tv uike possession of all the English Pons, Vizagapatam, MehrL : Kapulao-uem, Koiafen anJ Banda- murianka at the mouth of the rive* 1 .v a van an & ordered the w b lit flag Lo be hoisted in those places. Law was assisted by Rajah of Poiavaram, Mangapatl Dev; Nujividu Appa Rao; Mogiliturru Venkata Razu; Peddapuram Jagapati Razu etc. He captured fee English factories at Melapalll and Kapulapaleru and hoisted tine French flag. Vizagapatam was also occupied by Bussy and Law by the end of June. Earlier in May, Modapllam, Nellipalli and Bandamur Lanka were captured., Thus, the coast-line from Motupalli to Vizagapatam came into fee hands of the French with much less effort and the English remained helpless specta¬ tors as their men were unable to return from Bengal. All their efforts to continue trade peacefully were foiled by the French. After having settled the affairs of the Sarkars to his satisfaction and having successfully expelled the English by demolishing their settlements in all ports of Northern Sarkars, Bussy left for Aurangabad in Jan 1758 on the receipt of news that the, Nizam was in troubles. 97 97 Dodweil: Madras Despatches: fas theyear 1757, pp.99, 1-02and 105; Op.cit, Orme: VolJI , p. 263; Op.cit., C. Srinivasa Chary: pp. 351-354. Four EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH Soon .after the departure of Bnssy, Aixanda Razu made efforts to expel the French. He wrote to the English on Feb 4,1758, that Bnssy had come to know about Ms good relations with the English by seizing some of his friendly letters at Vizagapatam and conceived enemity against him. Bnssy exhorted money from Mm more than what had been settled. Bnssy left Chicacole appointing Aawanil Khan with a body of500 sepoys . He felt it was the proper time to expel the French if Madras Council were to assist him with .some troops. 1 Ananda Razu also wrote to Clive in Bengal acquainting him of the situation in the Sarkars. He appealed to the Madras Council to write to Clive to send a detachment of 500 soldiers and 1000 sepoys with a Sardar? But, he deplored that there was no response from the English. He had already gathered together all the Zamindars of Ichapuram, Ellore and Ra- jahmundry to clear the country of the French. He was irritated to see the negligence of the English because of whom he earned the displeasure of the French. He requested the Council to send atleast 200 soldiers. 3 The Select Committee of the Company also felt that it was an oppor¬ tune time to expel the French as the French force on the coast was just enough to enable them to keep possession of their grants in the North and the revenues of which would, in a few years, come into the treasury unless they (English) would raise a commotion among the Rajahs, there. 4 1 Records of Few St George: Country Correspondence (Mill Dept.).Lr.No.37 from Ananda Ram,Reed. 4th Feb. 1756,p. 16. ■ ' 2 Ibid. 3 ' Ibid.: Ix.No.97 from Ananda Razu, Reed. 17th May, 1758. 4 Bodwdi: Madras Despatches,115%, Dt 13th Mar, p. 143. Expulsion of the French 71 So, the English at Madras sent a letter of appreciation to Ananda Razu for Ms valour and wisdom and assured Mm of sending the assistance when the troops arrived from Europe. 5 6 Being impatient of the delay in getting the English help, Ananda Razu sent a detachment and took the Fort of Chicacole imprisoning the Naib there and hoisted the English colours on April 11, 1758. He wanted to march to the Ichapore country and hoped to clear the country of the French within 10 or 15 days and then, he planned to go against Rajahmundry and Ellore. 5 The French Governor, Laliy, was totally uninterested in the Deccan affairs. So, he wrote .to Bussy, after reaching Hyderabad on July 15,1758 who had no option but to leave Hyderabad on July 18,1758, assuring the Nizam, Salabat Jung, that he would return soon, but that was never to be. Bussy met de’Conflans. at Bezwada on Aug 3,1758 and handed over the charge of the Sarkars to him and set out for Pondicherry via Ongole. With the departure of Bussy, the prestige and power of the French waned. L OCCUPATION OF VIZAGAPATAM Ananda Razu of Vizianagaram,'.single-handedly..occupied Vizagapatam .and very soon, he cleared CMcacole Sarkar of the French even before the English sent their help. He invited the.Ehglish to reestablish their settlements in Vizagapatam. 7 John Andrews was immediately 'sent by the Madras Council to Vizagapatam. . . On hearing that Conflans was .marching against Mm, the Rajah wrote an urgent appeal to Clive in Bengal for assistance... The Bengal Council was not in favour of sending assistance to a rebel chief like Ananda Razu, leaving Bengal in danger on the event of a threat of invasion by the Mughal Government and besides tMs, the Murshidabad court was also hostile to the English, But Robert Clive took an exception to these views. He was .induced by the prospect of a brilliant and promised results from the letters of Ananda Razu and took an independent decision to send assistance to Ananda Razu. 8 5 Records of Fort St.George: Country Correspondence (MIL Dept.) Lr.Mo. nil to Ananda Razo, -Dt 31st. -May,- 1758.; : 6 Ibid.: Lr.No.l 10 from, Ananda Razu, Reed. 13th June, 1758, p. 47. 7 Dodwelt: Madras Despatches, 1758, p. 166. 8 Col. G.R. Malleson: The Decisive Battles of India 1746-1849, p.78; Briggs: The Nizam (1861), p, 178. 72 Andhra Between The Empires Meanwhile, Nizam AIL brother of Salabal Jung implored Clive to assist him to subvert me latter’s Government :i: his Favour. 9 Pie told the Bengal Council that me expedition to Northern Sarkars might succeed in expelling the French from those Sarkars. He anticipated that the English might not only procure those valuable districts on the Eastern Coast but also gain predominant position in the Deccan which was, hitherto, being enjoyed by the French. 10 Clive contemplated to lead the expedition by himself, but, on further consideration, he commissioned Lt. Col. Francis Forde, overruling the advice of the Calcutta Council, to undertake it and wrote to Madras that their job might be done even if rhis expedition threw the country into such confusion as to prevent their enemies from collecting any revenues. 11 Col. Forde left Calcutta on Oct 12, at the head of500 Europeans, 2000 Sepoys and 18 guns and reached Vizagapatam on Oct 20, 1758. 12 it was not possible for the Madras Council to send their troops owing to Daily'* s designs on Madras. So, they informed Ananda Razu to act jointly with CoL Forde who was sent from Bengal. 13 2. TREATY BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND THE RAJAH OF VIZIANAGARAM CoL Forde, on his arrival from Bengal, met John Andrews and Cap. Calliatid. They, unitedly, went to Kasim Kota where Ananda. Razu encamped' at that time. As John Andrews was known intimately to Ananda. Razu, it was mainly due to Ms efforts, an agreement was reached with the Rajah on Nov 2,1758. The treaty 14 stipulated, “that ail plunder should be equally divided, that all the countries which might be conquered should be delivered to the Rajah who was to collect the revenues; but, that the sea-ports and towns at the mouths of the rivers should belong to the Company with the revenues of the districts annexed to them, that no treaty for the disposal or restitution whether 9 Lanka Sudaraiu: Opxit, JAHRS, VoL VI, Part 2, OcL 1931, p. 90. 10 CoL 03. Halteson: The Decisive Battles of India, p. 78. U Lanka Sud»am : Han.: JAHRS, VoL VI Part 2, Dt Oct, 1931, pp. 90 & 91. 12 CoL G.B. MaUeson: History of the French In India, p. 548. 13 DodweU : Dupieix & Clive ; pp. 175-76; Records of Fort St. George : Country Correspondences (Mili) Lr.No. 204 to Anandarazu, pp. 93 & 94. 14 Gone ; Opxit, Vol. H, p. 375. Expulsion of the French 73 of the Rajah's or the English possessions, should be made without the consent of both the parties; that the Rajah should supply Rs.50,000 a month for the expenses of 'the army and Rs.6,G0C for the particular expenses of the officers to commence from the arrival at Viz* gupatam. Orme hinted at die differences between Col Forde and Ananda R^zu even before this treaty was signed. The treaty aimed at the acquisition of all strategic places for the English while Ananda Razu should be satisfied with the title. Bengal Council disapproved of this policy of Andrews and expressed that they preferred to play the role of auxiliary power. Conflans who was at Masulipatam did not take immediate steps after hearing about Ananda Razu’s rebellion in Chicacole. Instead, lie allowed passing of time writing to Lally for help. Later, he moved towards Rajahmun- dry with much procastihation which proved fatal to the French power in the Deccan. Conflans, by his slow march towards the place of rebellion, leisurely proceeded and captured Rajahmundry, thus, giving time to facilitate the plans of the English. 15 The Rajah and the English marched against the French who were sighted at Gollaprolu on Dec 3,1758. The English encamped at the village of Chandurthi and the French camp was only 4 miles away. The French selected Peddapur and entrenched there. 16 3. THE BATTLE OF CHANDURTHI : . Conflans had under him 500Europeans, 6,000 sepoys and 500 cavalry while the English force consisted of470 Europeans, 1900 sepoys while the Rajah brought, along with him, 500 cavalry, and 50Q infantry.and some local tribes with him. 17 The English took the offensive and the Battle.of Chandurthi went in, 'their favour on Dec 7, 1758. 18 The French fled .from'the field and shut themselves up in the Fort of Rajahmundry. As Cap, Knox pressed them further, the French fled to Masulipatam. and the. Fort of Rajahmundry was occupied by the English. '' 15 G.B. Maileson: History of the French in india^S^, . 16 G.B. Maileson: The Decisive Banks of Indian 81. 17 V.R. JagapatM Varma : PeddapuraSanuisthana Charitramu,p. 103 18 Records of Fori Sl George: Country Correspondence (Milit Dept) Vol. 7 A, pp. 26- 29; Lr.No.36 from Ananda Ram, Reed. 13th Mar. 1759. 74 Andhra Between The Empires Col. Forde wanted to chase the French out of Masulipatam without causing any delay. But, the differences between Col. Forde and the Rajah prevented him from doing so. The real cause of the difference between Col. Forde and the Rajah is not known. Raya Jagapathi Vanna mentions that the Rajah did not actively participate in the Battle of Chandurthi and he kept aloof from the field. When the English were marching to Rajahmundry pursuing the French, the Rajah engaged himself in fighting a petty quarrel on the country side. Mahipathi Raju and Niladri Rao of Pittapur who were then at Samarlakota and Vatsavavi Jagapathi Razu ofPeddapuram were prominent local chiefs who fought on the side of the French in the Battle of Chandurthi. Ananda Gajapathi (Aranda Razu) had an old rivalry with Jagapathi Razu, though they were brought up together in Vizianagaram by the elder Vijiarama Razu. On the approach of Ananda Razu, Jagapathi Razu fled from Peddapu- ram. Peddapuram Estate was, for sometime, under Vizianagaram. T. ^r A _T*__r. . i t% • a , „ - ... 0 * suffered from paucity of funds, the Rajah declined to pay any money. 20 On his arrival at Rajahmundry, the Rajah demanded that the Fort should be given to him according to the treaty. But, Col. Forde did not hand over the Fort. Under these circumstances, the Rajah might have refused to fulfil Ms obligations. 21 Vit Jagapathi Vanna: PeddapuraCfaritramu,pp.W-Ul;Om5lh April, pp. 55,56; Lr.No.43 Eadogola Narslng. Rase, ,Dt 7th April, p. 56. no Andhra Between The Empires Fort against the onslaught of the English. He was wounded in this incident. The English, of course, took care of him . 123 The English sent the copies of the Emperor’s Firman to Basalat Jung, the Nawabs of Cuddapah, Kumool and to other Poiigars desiring them to obey the Firman if they wanted to be friendly with the English. 124 The publication of Samds and the consequent occupation of Kon- dapalli created great panic in Hyderabad. The Qiledar of Hyderabad wrote to the Nizam who was at Berar to return to Hyderabad soon. 125 Though, they occupied the Sarkars without the Nizam’s permission, the Madras Government were anxious to win his goodwill from the begin¬ ning. They sent a formal letter to Nizam Ali on Feb 10,1766 Le. the day on which they decided to publish the Mughal Firman , imploring Mm to write letters to the Zamindars for smooth, submission. 126 The Madras Government also deputed one, Mutabir Khan, to Hydera¬ bad to get the Mughal Firman confirmed by the Nizam in lieu of their military assistance. The Nizam was constrained to give ear to the English proposal since he was planning to invade Mysore along with -the Peshwa after defeating Janoji Bhonsley. Ruknuddowla, the Oman, strongly protested to the English and objected to listen to Mutabir Khan who was much inferior in his rank . 127 Then, the Madras Council authorized Gen. Caillaud with full discre¬ tionary powers to arrive at an. agreement with Nizam Ali provided it was not dishonourable and disadvantageous to the Company. 123 But, the English could not wait till they made an agreement with Nizam Ali. The Madras Government summoned Hassan All-Khan and Jogi Pantulu to Madras and handed over the management of the Sarkars of Musta- 123 Ibid.: MiliL, Lr.No.29 to Nizam Ali Khan, Vol. 14,Dt 17th March, 1766, pp. 43,44. 124 Sarojini Regani: Op.cit,p. 130. 125 Ibid., p. 130. 126 Records of Fort St. George: Country Correspondence, Lr.No. 13 to Nizam Ali Khan, Vol.14, Yr. 1766, Dt. 10th February, 1766, p. 14. 127 Sarojini Regard: Op.cit, p. 130. 128 Records of Fort St George: Madras to Caillaud and Pybus (Milit) Vol.57, Dt. 14th Aug, pp„ 222-25. Transfer of Northern Sarkars Ill phanagar, Ellore and Rajahmundry, which were let out to them (Hassan Ali and Jogi Pantulu) the Sarkars for three years. 129 A sub-committee consisting of John. Pybus and John Cali was appointed to report on the feasibility of taking the direct management of the Sarkars. The Committee recommended for renting to Hassan Ali. 135 The English were not prepared to take the direct management of Sarkars due to too much dependence on the Dubashees , secondly the Company’s authority was not .sufficiently established in the region, and finally, they thought that appointment of Hassan Ali as the Company ’ s renter would not result in direct repudiation by Nizam Ali; even though, it might not invoke his .warm welcome.. The English preferred to maintain status-quo till .they could have complete, control over the Sarkars. Hassan Ali was so amiable that he was engaged.by a private agreement with the President, to put the English in possession of the Sarkars whenever required in exchange for a personal Jagir} 31 A personal. Jagir consisting of Talipata and Purur was conferred upon Hassan Ali and later he was also granted the rent of Vallur, Buwa and Elakata which he could enjoy'during his good behavior. 132 According to the new agreement, the Sarkar of Rajahmundry was let out to Hassan Ali Khan and Srinivasa Jogi Pantulu jointly for 3,83,500 Madras Pagodas a year, and the Sarkars of Ellore and Musthaphanagar were let out to Hassan All 'Khan 'independently for 4,16,500 Madras-Pagodas a year. The two renters, agreed to pay 6,500. M.P. a year for the support of the Company’s troops detained to assist them in the admMstration. 133 By this time, Pybus was replaced by. Smith as the Chief at Masuli- patam. Smith was instrumental in settling this agreement. The Madras ; 129 Lanka Sundaram: Op.cit, JAHRS, VoLVI, Dt 2nd Oct, 1931, p. 110; Meckenjie’s M.S. T.S. Akademi, Vol.7, pp.48,49, Rajahmundry. 130 Records of Fort St George: Military Consultations, VoL57,Dt20th Oct, 1766,pp. 311-315. 13 k Lanka Sundaram: Op.cit, JAHRS, VoLVH Part3, Dt. Jan, 1933, p. 135. 132 Records of Fort Sl George: Military Consultations; Madras to Caillaud, DtlQtii June, 1766, Vol.57,pp. 184,185. 133 Bad,: Smith to Madras, Dt 8th Nov., 1766, Vol.57, pp. 333-37. ' 134 Records of Fort SL George : Military Consultations, Dl 17th Nov., 1766, VoL57, pp. 337 - 8. 112 Andhra Between The Empires Government ratified fee agreement regarding these middle Sarkars on Nov 17,1766 with the special, provision feat Hassan AH should pay at least half of fee outstanding balances by January 1767. 1 - 4 W e find a bitter critic of this transaction in Francis Russel who wrote, t4 Their (English) forces were already on fee spot to maintain or enforce fee claim. War, however, was, if possible, to be avoided, treachery chicanery and bribery were substituted as the safer instruments. Hassan AH, fee manager of the Suboti, was in the first instance dealt with successfully to betray the interest of Ms master and for the promise of aJaghir, a promise of support and protection and also of being continued in his rentersfaip, he agreed to act with the Company/* 135 Gen. Caillaud visited Nizam All Khan on Oct 27,1766 and he could bank upon the unfavourable circumstances of Nizam AH Khan. The Treaty was signed on Nov12,1766 according to which all the five Northern Sarkars were given as a free gift to the British East India Company in conformity with the perpetual friendsMp. 136 In consideration of fee free gift of fee Northers Sarkars, fee Company had to pay Rs. 5 lakhs for fee middle Sarkars Le. Ellore, Rajahmundry and Mustapahanagar and Rs. 2 lakhs each r for CMcacole and Murtuzanagar Sarkars. The submission of Chicacoie Sarkar was fee responsibility of the English wMIe fee Sarkar of Murtuzanagar (Guntur) was to be handed over to them only after fee death ofBasalat Jung, fee younger brother of fee Nizam, to whom fee Sarkar was given as a life Tagir or when Basaial Jung proved to be disloyal to his brother, fee Sarkar might be taken over by fee English. The English and fee Nizam agreed to “treat one’s enemies as the other’s enemies and one’s friends as fee other’s friends.” The English were also bound by fee agreement to keep a body of troops to assist Nizam Ali whenever required against any one and the expenditure was to be met out of fee rent of fee Northern Sarkars. In case, fee expenses exceeded fee rent, Nizam Ali had to make good fee difference. The treaty had, further, written off all fee previous demands and arrears from fee Sarkars. TMs could benefit Sitharama Razu and Hassan Ali Khan to a great extent as huge sums were due from them to fee Nizam. The English could now, count upon their fidelity for fee great favours done to them. 135 Francis Rossel: A Short History of the East India'Company, pp. 67-68. 136 c - u * Aitchison: Treaties, Engagements andSamds , Vol IX, Part I, p. 22.; H.G. Briggs : The Nizam, vol J, Appendix A, pp. 226-230. Transfer of Northern Sarkars 113 The English were permitted to garrison the Fort of Kondapalli (which was taken by assault Injuring the Qiledar) by the English troops and MIzam All could place a Qiledar on Ms part The English agreed to cede the usual Jaghir to the Qiledar. Immediately, necessary Samds were granted to the English requiring the Zamindars of .all the five Sarkars to obey the English Company hereaf¬ ter. 137 Soon after receiving the Samds from Nizam AM the first and the foremost task of the English Company was to see that the authority of the English Company and its renters was firmly established in -the Sarkars by reducing the Zamindars to obedience and bringing them to terms with the nominees of the Company. The Zamindars under Ellore and Mnsthaphanagar Sarkars had readily agreed to pay their obedience to .Hassan Ail as the renter of the Sarkars. 138 Hassan All .and Jogipantulu, the joint renters of the Sarkars of Rajafamundry faced some difficulty since the Rajahs of Peddapuram and Samarlakota refused to acknowledge them as their overlords. 139 Since 'the Rajah Jagapathi Razu of Peddapuram was, -still, a 'minor,-the family was divided and refused to come to .an .-agreement The other Zamindars tried to take advantage of this situation. So, on the request of ■Hassan All, Smith, Chief at Masulipatam and Quintal Cranford, a member of the 'Masulipatam Council, visited Rajahmundry on Jan. 6, .I767 m and ordered a detachment under Col. Hart wMch was kept, there in Nizam AM’s service, to procure .the surrender of the Fort .of Peddapuram. The Port was' surrendered without any use of force. But Neeladri Rao, the Rajah of Samarlakota,'surrendered only, after his fort was stormed. 141 These two' incidents made the other Zamindars pay -their obeisance to the. Company renters and thus the English obtained, the .peaceful .possession of the middle Sarkars. 137 Altdiison: Treaties , Engagements , Sanad&s^ Part I, VoLIX, p, 25 138 Records of Fort Sl George: Masulipatam to Madras, Dl 3 1st Dec. 1766, VoL58, Military Consultations,. DL5th Jan, 1717, pp.,3-6. 139 ;.Military Consultations, Vol. 58,pp. 72-73.. 140 Records of Fort St George: Smith to Madras from Rajahmundry, Vol.58, -Dt22nd Jan, pp,68-72. 141 Ibid.: Country Correspondence, from Hassan All Lr.No.52, Vol.,15, pp, 72-73. 114 Andhra Between The Empires The English thought it wise to leave all the matters of administration in the hands of the renters and interfere only to check the renters if guilty of any grievous oppressions. 142 The Guntur Sarkar was not touched by the English as it was the Jagir of Basalat Jung while the Sarkar of Chicacole proved to be a real problem owing to the indifference of Sitharama Razu. The sum due to Hassan Ali from Sitharama Razu as per the previous agreement was not made good to the English who advanced the sum. Secondly, they could not settle the rent for the year 1766-67 with Sitharama Razu. 143 Sitharama Razu was very much disappointed by the English. He was very anxious to manage the Sarkars of Chicacole and Rajahmundry. But, the amion of the English was not in his favour. He suffered at the hands of Hassan Ah mid Narain Devo of Kimidi who ravaged his country in the year 1765 and 1766. Most of the Zamindars of Chicacole also deserted him. Under these circumstances, the English rented the Sarkar of Chica- coie to one, Rangarazu for Rs.2,65,000, who also proved disobedient. Ranga Rani, having failed to pay the dues, went to Vizianagaram and took asylum wnh Siftaima Razu. So, Jogipantulu had to visit Vizianagaram to impress upon Sitharama Razu either to hand over Ranga Razu or to arrange for the payment of his dues. 144 e I0 - DIFFENERENCES BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND THE NIZAM _ Meanwhile, the English troops were dismissed by Nizam Ali after he hadcome to terms with Hyder Ali in 1767 despite the remonstrance^of the ^glish General, Col.Smith and Bourchier. Being disgusted with the behaviour of Nizam Ali, the English procured a blank Firman from the Emperor, so that they might confer the Subedary of Deccan on a candidme of their choice and also ordered the English troops in the Sarkars to^ove to ■ 142 "' t\ m ^° dWeil: MadraS Vol.IV, I>.24th March, 1768, p. 262 para 46. Lr.No 100 to .7" °l FOrt St GeOTge : C ° amy despondence (Milit. Dept.) VoL14, Lr.No.l00to Sitharama Razu, Yr.1766, Dt28th Nov., 1766, p. 121 1767, pp. 337-339." UN °' 201 &0m at Masulipataxn. Vol.14, Dt25th Oct. Transfer of Northern Sarkars j ]5 the borders of Hyderabad. 145 Sitharama Razu wanted to take advantage of the differences between the English and Nizam Ali Khan. He expected that the English should be exterminated from the Sarkars since he believed that die English were too weak to oppose the Nizam. It was understood that Nizam Ali instructed the Zamindars of the Sarkars to oppose the English. m Nizmn Ah also proposed to grant the Sarkars to Sitharama Razu if he resisted the English. The Rajah of Ongole, Ramachandra Razu, also visited Vi- zianagaram to muster the support of Sitharama Razu against the English 148 But, Sitharama Razu did not act in a hasty manner. He patiently waited to see to which side the scale tilted. But, Nizam Ali Khan could not wait any longer. He sent Sannods for die Sarkars to Narain Devo, the Rajah of Kimidi and a bitter enemy of Sitharama Razu. Narain Devo acted immediately after the receipt of the Sannads from Nizam Ali and ravaged the whole country. However, he was pushed back effectively by Capt. Casemore in conjunction with Sitharama Razu and his brother Vijiarama Razu. 149 Similar, disturbances were also noticed in the Sarkar of Guntur. Rajah Ramachandra Razu of Ongole had instigated the Zamindars mdpoligars of the Sarkar of Guntur to revolt against the English. Cap. Davis could effectively -bring the Sarkar under -the control of the English and the amindars of the region offered their submission pretending that they were associated always with the English and never tried to help the rebels against die English and those who were directly associated with the Rajah of Ongole pleaded for pardon* for the unhappy past*. 150 They had also deserted him soon after the settlement was reached between the English and the Nizam. 151 ■Ramachandra Razu was deprived of his Zamindary after the Treaty was signed in 1768. 152 . J Sarojini Regani: ;Op.dt, p. 134; Fort William 'India House Conespandeace: Vol. V, for the Yr 1767^68, Lr,N6.iai,p. 146.. • 146 Records of Fort St George: CoimiryCoiresp<»dence(MiliL)Lr.No.224fi-omlogi PaiUMlu, Dt25th Nov., 1767, Vol.15. 147 -Md. Lr.No. 135 from Sitharama Razo, VoL16,p. 228. 148 hr- Mo.203 from Jogipimt, Dt3rd Nov., 1767, V6I.15, pp. 340-343. 149 Records of Fort St George: Country Correspondence (Milit) Lr.No. 203 from logxpant, 3X25lh Nov. 1767, ¥oU5 for Yr. 1767, pp. 340 - 343. Ibid: Lf-No.53 from Zamindar cfBellamkondaand Vimikonda to Davis, Reed. 4th Mar, 1767;Lr.No.54froraRajah BaSwant Bahadur to Op.Jtecd.4th Mar, 1767,Vol. 16, pp.89-90. Ibid.: Lr.No.58 & 59 from various Zamindars to Capt, Vol. 16, pp. 97 & 98,' , The District ofThirapaihi, Nellore mdsiding Ongole and Macterai were given away to the English by the Nawab of Arcot for Rs. 4 lakhs in lieu of payment of the amounts he 116 Andhra Between The Empires The English could successfully win over Jafer Beg Khan, the Nizam’s Commandant of the Fort of Khammam who agreed to surrender the Sarkar of Khammam and Waiangal for a., personal Jagir. After hearing the fall of .Khammam, Nizam All Khan returned from the Carnatic and sent proposals of peace to the English while camping at Cuddapak 153 The rebel Zamindars particularly. Sitharama Razu and the Rajah of Ongoie did not believe the news of the success of the English since they considered that the reports were publicised for the Company’s benefit* 154 log! Pantuiii stationed at CMeacoie and tried to settle the Sarkar of Chicaeole on any Zam.ind.ar, but none came forward with an offer as they were afraid of Sitharama Razu and Narain Devo. They were not prepared to administer the Sarkar of Chicaeole unless the English should protect them .in case of war with either of them and make them reasonable allo wance for any depredations they (rebels) might commit in the Districts under their manage¬ ment; With great pursuatlon, logipantulu could get an offer of the rent for Chicaeole Sarkar exclusive of Woratlah .and Zamindaries of Sitharama .Razu and Narain Devo. The offer came jointly from Akkaji Pundit and Jagapathi Razu for Rs. 2,40,000. The amount was less than the rent of the previous year by Rs. 25,0CML 155 Later, logipantulu visited Vizianagaram to collect the First and Second Kists (Instalments) of revenue from Sitharama Razu and ensure the deliverance of Ranga Razu. , Sitharama Razu, under the influence of Ranga Razu, seemed to put off the payment of Kists for afew months longer in a friendly manner, by which time the English might be .driven out by the Nizam .in alliance with the Mammas .and thus, he thought, he could save money he owed to the English for Ms last year’s assessment* Sitharama Razu also refused, to deliver Ranga Razu who took shelter with him, but, promised to arrange for the payment of the amount, that was due from Ranga Razu after his examination. Later, 153 Lanka'Simdaram : Op.dt, JAHRS, VoLVII, Pant 3, Ian, 1933, p. 140; Sarojini Regani: Op.cit, p. 134. 154 Records of Foft St George: Coimtiy Corm^ Fantulu to Smith, Dt3rd Nov, 1767, Vol.15 for the year 1767, pp. 340-343. 155 Records of Fort St Geoige: Country Correspondence (Milit) Lr.No.203 from Jogi Fantula to Smith, Reed. 3rd Nov, 1767, Vol.15, Yr. 1767, pp. 340-343. Transfer of Northern Sarkars 117 Sitharama Razu informed Jogipantulu that Ranga Razu would pay the amount deducting the dues from Narain Devo of Kallikota and some of the. Ichapur country and that he would not pay for the English troops which did not assist Mm in reducing Teilimoor or to prevent the ravages of Narain Devo. 156 Considering the disturbances in the country, .and further delay would cause more difficulties, Jogipantuln conceded the deduction of Rs. 35,000 on account of the rents of Kimmidi and Ichapuram belonging to Naralan Dev and the expenses of the English troops as demanded by Ranga Razu,. 157 Jogipantulu got an assurance from Narain Devo for the payment of his dues to the tune of Rs. 13,000 soon after receiving his usual present (which was customary with the Hill-chiefs). 158 Jogipantulu was, however successful in inducing Sitfaaxama Razu to pay the rent for his country as per the previous year .and Rs. 10,000 more for Woratlah; but, Sitharama 'Razu did not agree to rent the Sarkar of CMcaeole for fear of Narain Devo. Sitharama Razu again appealed to grant the Jagir of a few villages under Rajahmundry Sarkar. Jogipantulu recommended Ms request stating that “well-being of everything here depends upon Ms friend¬ ship". Akkaji Pundit, though agreed to rent the Sarkar of CMcaeole, could not procure the Sowear Bills for the first Kist since the Sowcars refused, on account of the rebellion of Marain. Devo. The prospective renters insisted that the losses should be made good to them in case of-extemal disturbances. So, Jogipantulu desired the Chief of Masulipatam to retain Capt. Casemore in the Sarkar, lest Narain Devo might undoubtedly enter and lay waste the Sarkar of Chicacole. 159 Jogipantulu also faced some difficulty with Payak Rao of Anakapalll in collecting dues from him. His rent was decided on the previous year's rate, 160 despite his protests for the reduction. 156 Ibid.: Lr.No.217 from Jogipantulu, Dtl4th Dec, 1767, VoL 15, Yr.1767, pp.360- 363. 157 Ibid. 158 Records of Fort St George: Country Correspondence (MlSit) Lr.No.224, from Jogipantulu, Dt25th Nov. 1767, VoL 15, Yr.1767, pages not known (damaged) 159 Ibid.: No. 14 from Jogipantulu, Dt 22nd Jan, 1768, VoS. 16, Yr.1768, pp. 30-35 160 Records of Fort St George : Country Correspondence (Milit) Lr.No.21 from Jogipantulu, Dt6i!i Jan, 1768, VoL 16 for the year 1768, pp. 47-49. 118 Andhra Between The Empires 11. THE TREATY OF 1768 On Feb 23, 1768, a treaty of perpetual friendship and alliance was concluded between the British Company and Mohammad Aii, the Nawab of Arcot on one side and Nizam Ati Khan, on the other. 161 The present Treaty had confirmed the previous treaty of 1766 regard¬ ing the rendering of Northern Sarkars. For the First time, the Firman of the Mughal Emperor of 1765 was referred to and confirmed by this Treaty, and thus, the English were made real masters of the Sarkars. Regarding the Sarkar of Guntur, the English had gracefully agreed not to take possession of the Sarkar til the death of Basalat Jung or till, he broke the friendship with the English Company, but, the company ascertained its just right to take the possession of the Sarkar in the same manner as the other four, if Basalat Jung continued his friendship with. Hyder All who was an enemy of the English. The Fort of Kondapalli which was allowed to be kept under a Qilledar of Nizam All in the earlier Treaty, should hereafter remain in the possession of the English. The Nizam agreed to send letters to all the Zamindars to obey the English and not to raise disturbances hereafter. To this effect, the Nizam issued a Samrnd on March 12, 1768 162 from Pilleru, to the Zamindars of five : Sarkars directing them to look upon the East India Company as their masters and to be in every respect, obedient to them. As reciprocal gesture of friendship, the English agreed to withdraw their forces from Khammam and Warangal enabling the Nizam’s deputy to possess the country peacefully and the English also agreed to pay Rs. 2 lakhs in two half-yearly instalments (on 31st of March and 31st of October) per annum and one lakh more soon after the possession of Kodavidu Sarkar ( or Mustaphanagar). This meant a reduction of 2 lakhs in the annual payment to the Nizam in respect of the Sarkars of Rajahmundry, Mustaphanagar and Ellore. The present rate of payment would be effective for six years from Jan 1,1768. The English agreed to pay a sum of Rs. 5 lakhs pet year in two equal instalments andRs. 2 laMs 1 for Kondavidu Sarkar from Janl, 1774,provided Nizam Ali did not create any trouble in the Sarkar of Kondavidu, Rajahmun¬ dry and Murtozanagar. The annual tribute of the Sarkars, as worded in the Treaty, was paid to the Nizam by the English in consideration of their friendship with the former, but not because of their holding the Sarkars. This would show that 161 Aitduson: Treaties, Engagements and Sanads: VoflX*P-27. m Md.: VoLBC, p. 35; H.G. Briggs: TheNimm, VoLI, pp.243-24. Transfer of Northern Sarkars 119 the English did not like to recognise the Nizam’s authority over the Sarkars at all and that they were very eager to throw it off at the earliest opportunity. 163 Obviously, the Nizam was not prepared to give up Ms claims over the Carnatic and the Northern Sarkars. As soon as he returned to Hyderabad, he tried to nullify the agreement at the earliest opportunity. He also corre¬ sponded with the Marathas but they were preoccupied with the intrigues of RaghunathaRao and so, his plan did not materialise. The Nizam also felt that the Treaty was a disgrace to him and he started disliking his Diwon, Ruknud Doula, who was instrumental’ in concluding this Treaty. 164 The Fort of Kondapalli and its adjacent villages were ceded to the English by this Treaty, which were incorporated with the Mustaphanagar Sarkar and placed under Hassan All. 12. THE DISTURBANCES IN THE NORTHERN SARKARS But, very soon, the disturbances broke out in the Sarkar of Kondapalli due to some turbulent members of the family of the deceased Zamindar of Mylavaram of Kondapalli Tagir. Capt. Billingham was sent to suppress the revolt by the Masulipatam Council on the request of Hassan All. 165 This incident brought significant change in the British attitude towards the Zamindars of Northern Sarkars. The Masulipatam Council explained the issue to the Madras Government that the numerous forts were a great problem to them in the Sarkars. The Zamindars built these forts taking advantage of a weak central Government As the forts were generally stocked with provisions, the reduction of these Zamindars to obedience had always become a serious problem consuming time and energies. So, the Masuli¬ patam Council opined to demiltarise these Zamindars and demolish the forts, one after the other, at an opportune time without depriving the Zamindars of -their lands and other privileges, which they had been enjoying since a very long time. To make the Zamindars reconcile'to the administration of the Company, the Council suggested to win their confidence and affection “by well-timed marks of reward”, and their defenceless position did not allow them to revolt against the English Company m in future. m Forrest: Bombay and Madras Papers, 1757-1790; Sarojini Regani :Op.dt,p. 135. m Records of Fort William (Bombay Caste!) Public Department Diary, Vol.52, pp. 324-25, DlITUi Sept, 1768m pp. 441- 2. 165 Records of Fort St. George : Masuli to Madras, Dl28i1i Oct, 1768 (Military Cosjsoltatioiis) Dt8ttt Nov, VoL63-i,pp. 460-61. m Records of Fort Sl George : Masulipatam to Madras, DL9ttt Nov, 1768 (Military Consultations), 21st Nov, Vol63-l, pp. 552-7. 120 Andhra Between The Empires This policy of demiEiarisailon and demolition of the Forts was ap¬ proved by the Madras Government and the Masnlipatam Council was directed to demolish the Fort of Mylavaram and to destroy the others at. an opportune time. 167 The Madras Government wanted to appoint a Commission to enquire .into the rights of Zamindars, when Aswa Rao, the Rajah of Palwancha who was dispossessed of Ms Zamindary by Ibrahim Beg Khan, the Nizam's Deputy of Khammam and Warangal* took shelter with the Rajah of Peddapu- ram. But, the MasMipatam Council strongly objected to "the inquiry on the grounds that it would weaken the authority of the Company in the region. 168 The English realised that the Zamindars would not hesitate to distress the Government at every opportunity though they gave assurances of fidelity and attachment. So, they resolved to remove the intermediary institution of rentership so that they could maintain direct contact with the Zamindars and thereby acquire “Competent knowledge” of the affairs, though it would 'be less advantageous since the plan “might not answer our expectations”. The English preferred to make a trial .in this regard. 169 Keeping in view of the expiry of rentership of Bassaxi All and Jogi- pantulu in Sept 1769, the Madras Government surveyed the revenue position of the middle Sarkars in lime 1769, and then decided to advertise the lease of the Sarkars in piecemeal. 170 At the time of expiry of rentership, Hassan Ail had fallen in arrears to the Company for the Sarkars of Eliore and Mustaphanagar to the tune of 50,500 Madras pagodas and 49,500 Madras pagodas for the joint rentership of Rajahmundry for the year 1767-68. The Rajahs of Nuzividu, the Charma- hal, Vuyyur, Peddaporam, Pittaporam Domahal, Kota Ramachandrapuram, Korakonda, Polavaram and Guntala were due to the renter to the tune of 63, 112. MP. They were to pay this amount in two equal instalments on Feb 20, 1768, but, they were in default. 171 167 Resolution in Military Consultations, Vol63-1 „ pp. 558, Masuli to Madras, Dt.23rd Nov, Voi.36,pp. 674-676. 168 L. Sundaram: 0p.dt, IAHRS, VoLVH, Part 3, Ian, 1933, p. 142. 169 Records of Fort $L George: Pub. Cons., DL9th June, 1769, Vol.28, pp. 367-69. lw Md. • 171 Records of Fort St. George: Military Consultations, Dl 2nd Nov, 1768, Statement of balances dae to the Company, YoL63,pp. 133-97. Transfer of Northern Sartors 121 13. TERMINATION OF HASSAN ALI Hassan AH Khan delivered the Sarkars to the English without causing any difficulty to the English as was expected of him by the English. He, further, cleared all the dues he owed to the Company on account of the rent of the Sarkars. Though most of the amount was due to him from the Zamindars, he met the commitment out of the revenues of Ms ow nJagir. But, he expected that the English would definitely reward him for his loyalty. He was attached to these Sarkars for more than a decade by now. Though he wanted to continue the rentership further, and desired to wait upon the Governor a! Madras for a personal communication, the English brushed Mm aside stating that they decided to take the administration into their own hands so that they could develop personal contact with the local chiefs and advised him to defer his visit to a future date since his visit would not serve any purpose, for him at this juncture. 172 The English advised him further that he could convey his proposals by a letter if the matter was so urgent 173 Then, Hassan AM Khan narrated Ms financial difficulties since he was forced to pay the Company’s dues from the current year’s.revenues of Ms Jagirs and that the Zamindars who were due to him had not cleared, their balance so far. He appealed for the extension of Ms service so that the could collect his dues from the defaulters and also serve the British interests. 174 But, the British Company turned down his request for an extension of rentership since it was the policy of the Company to administer through their own servants. The Governor, however, tried to console Mm that his services would be utilised when ‘warranted by greater affairs befitting Ms abilities.’ Wynch at Masulipatam was requested to assist Hassan AM Khan in collecting Ms dues from the defaulting Zamindars. 175 Though Ms appointment was not considered for the year 1769-70, he hoped that he would be taken into service in 1770-71 at least. But, the Company was not likely to revert its .policy. Wynch was going himself for Jamohondi (Revenue collection). Hassan AM .being disappointed, wrote a letter, once again, to the Governor to let out the Sarkar to him or direct Wynch 172 Records of Fort St.. George.: Country Correspondence (Milil.) VoU8, Yr. 1770: Lr.No.82 from Hassan All, Reed. 1st Apr, p. 82; Lr.No.8S to Hassan All, Reed. Dl. 16th Apivpp. 88,89; Lr.No. 92 from Hassan -Ali, Reed. 19th Apr, p. 98. 173 Ibid. Lr.No.105 to Hassan Ali, Dl 33rd May ,pp. 111 & 113. . I? 4 Ibid. Lr.No. 147 from Hasan. AM, Reed. 31st Inly, pp. 1.56 & 158. 175 Ibid. "Lr.No. 151 to Hassan Ali, Dt. 10th Aug, p. 160 . 122 Andhra Between The Empin to collect the revenues due to him from the defaulting Zamindars at the time the Company’s revenue was collected. 176 The English reiterated their stand to manage the Sarkars through the Company’s servants for a few years more so that they could get the knowledge of the affairs and that Hassan Ali Khan could not be taken into service that would result in undermining his rank and abilities and he should wait, patiently, till the “occasion of importance” to rise in the course of time. 177 The English also expressed that they could not suffer their current year’s revenue by forcing the Zamindars to pay Hassan Ali Khan’s dues. But, to me misfortune or Hassan Aii Knan, such ‘‘occasion of importance” did never rise in his life time. He spent a miserable time before his death. A sum of 1,00,000 pagodas was due to him from the Zamindars and his personal .• 2 giV could not support his huge establishment. reaii sed the difference between the native and the foreign rulers He felt that Nizam Ali would not have deserted him, in this manner,°if he had sewed him, loyally. The indifference of die Company ached his heart and his heaith failed him for more than a year. He died on the evening of Aug 26 1771 at a place called Nagur in his Jagir. He left behind a large retinue. His sons and daughters were too young to support themselves and inherited a nuge debt from his father. The English withdrew the grant of Jagir on the event of Hassan Ali’s death, since it was granted to him for his life when he ,ett me service of Nizam Ali. Hassan Ali’s requestfor a hereditary Jagir was not respected. Under these circumstances, Hassan Ali’s eldest son.Zainu- abodarn, appealed to the English to restore the Jagir to the family referring o the Muslim custom that on the death of a man of distinction, his son or his brother would inherit the rank, title and Jagir of the deceased. In the original Sanad granted to Hassan Ali by the Nizam, it was clearly stated, according to ten, that the Jagir was hereditary. 17 * Zainulaboddin presented the Sarnd h ^ f 3 ' 11 ? at Masuli P atam examination, but to no avail. ... akud Dowla, alias Zainulaboddin, corresponded to the Chief of Vizagapatam regarding the debts of his father, Hassan Ali. At last, the n?f en ! g f ranteed 1116 payment t0 some extent * of the various creditors of Mubarakud-Dowla . 179 ■ , R r° rdS ° f F ° rt St ' : C0Untry Goms P°“ ta «* (Mint. Dept.) Vol. 18 for the year 1770Hj.No.200 from Hassan Ali Reed. 2nd Dee. 1770, pp. 304,305. ibid- : Lr.No.212 to Hassan Mi, Dt 28th Dec. 1770, pp. 330 - 331. . t ■ , 5 * £ ' C ° rdS ° f F0rt SL George: Country Correspondence (Milk. Dept.) Lr.No. 139 from Zaimnlaboddin, Dt.l5th, Reed. 20th Sept, 1771 , pp. 226-28. Pars* fr ^° rt l ^^ ldiaHoilSeCo,Tes t >ODdenc e. v °ICXVI I ,P o l. > Lr . No .2 3 > Dt.28thOct, 1793 Para 8 of Cons., DU3th Sept, No. 1,2,3, p. 297. Transfer of Northern Sarkars 123 Hassan Ali’s services could not be under-estimated for the gradual penetration of the English into the Sarkars and fev the time, he was asked to retire, the authority of the English was well-established in Sarkars of Ra- jahmundry, Ellore and Mustaphan? car. jansfer of power m the h whirr. Shikars would reveal 'he rusher diplomatic ability of the English. V 'ren the Sarkars were trait cfemed o *hc French Company, the English successfully instigated the covcrfu! Z?r:> mdars of the region to rebel against the F-cr.,:h and tc exterminate them. Later, they established the Niaai.t’s aikhcritv cx ?: tr: -r:d -*en - to win over Nizam’s Deputy in their favour. The H. gl.-'.e.-tere-’ tr.e Suwu. «, under the pretext of assisting the Deputy in re- muc T:"'- succeeded in renting the districts. For the fms: three years rTemhe kVeatCo': i / 66, they could reap the benefit of Hassan Ali rrichexoenerxc i t lie/cLw by appointing him as thejrenter. When they hr .me caoabx of t a: a frzjic Sarkars by themselves. Hassan All was a,kec _o retire. The E.nriiw;. diux succeeded in establishing their authority in the 'srxr. tlircx.::. a'ccrisivtxn policy followed by rigorous implementation. Hassan Ali Khan was the first who suggested to the English to obtain Kondapalli and Ellore Sarkars from the Nizam. Till tlie transfer of the Sarkars, he was treated as “the Right hand of the Company”, but, later, he was thrown aside, “almost with contemptuous indifference.” 180 He was survived by five sons, two daughters, a mother-in-law, two sisters, a brother’s widow, two brothers-in-law, a son-in-law and a hereditary tutor. 181 : His great grandson, Nizam-ud-Doula was however granted a monthly pension of Rs. 1,183 and the English withdrew the title of Nawab of Masulipatam from Ms family pedigree 182 180 Hairy Morris : Manual of Godavari Dist. (1878) p. 225. 181 Records of Fort St George: Country Correspondence (Miliu) Lr.No.1399 from Zainulaboddin, Dt.l5th and Reed. 20th Sept, 1771, pp. 226-28. 182 Ibid. Six NATIVE RESISTANCE Though the English claimed that their occupation of the Sarkars was, by ail means, constitutional, they had to face much resistance from the native chiefs in the Sarkars. The following, are a few incidents of heroic resistance offered to the foreign government which wood justify that the take over of the Sarkars, though legal as they claimed, was not possible without applying physical force.- L CHICACOLE SARKAR While the sarkars of Eiiore, Mustaphanagar and Rajahmundry were settled to the satisfaction of the English on account of the cooperation of Hassan All Khan, the case of Chicacole Sarkar was a different one. During the period of conflict between the Nizam and the English which culminated in the Treaty of 1768, the Sarkar was subjected to the ravages of Marathas and Marain Devo of Kimidi. With great difficulty, Jogipantulu could collect some amount.towards the rent of Chicacole from Payak Rao with the help of Sitharama Razu. The English knew it from the beginning that the co¬ operation of the house of Vizianagaram was indispensable to possess the Sarkar of Chicacole. Sitharama Razu assisted Cap. Casemore in reducing Marain Devo and establishing peace in the Sarkar. Soon after the Treaty of 1768 was signed confirming the grant of Northern Sarkars to the English, Tandra Marsa Rao, Oman to Vijiarama Razu, wrote to the English insisting on the restoration of the Jagir under Rajahmundry Sarkar to Vizianagaram though he agreed to accept the rent as per the last year. 1 Vijiarama Razu petitioned to the English to confirm the Jagir yielding Rs. 24,000 which was granted to him by Salabat Jung in 1165 Fasti (1755) and enjoyed by the family till 1766 and, in turn, lie expressed his preparedness to assist the English with his force whenever.there was any trouble .in the Sarkar. Vijiarama Razu implored the English to grant him 1 Records of Fori St George :. Country Correspondence (Milit.) Lr.No.143, from Tandra Mam Rao, Vol. 16, pp. 226-7. Native Resistance 125 Kotapalli village under Rajahmundry Sarkar which was yielding apaltry sum of 600 pagodas per year, to enable him perform religious rituals on the banks of the river* Godavari. He protested also against the interference of Cap. Madge while the Rajah was trying to collect the arrears of revenues from the Zamindar of Kallikota under Ichapuram district who was evading payment of Ms Peshcush to Ranagarazu, the previous renter of the Chicacole Sarkar* to .whom the Rajah stood surity for the payment to the English on his- behalf, because Raxigarazu was a dose relative of the Rajah. 2 The English did not intend to revert to the unified management of the Chicacole Sarkar since the Rajah of Vizianagaram might not submit to the authority of a renter. Obviously, the Madras Government were not prepared to entrust Sitharama Razu with "any reaP power at this stage. They determined to weaken the strength of Vizianagaram. 3 So, the individual agreements were concluded with Sitharama Earn and Payak Rao for the year 1768. Cotsfort and-Col. Peach could establish peace gradually in the Sarkar. Marain Devo, the Company's enemy was routed and the Rajah of Tekkali was humiliated. Ramajogipatro, a former Diwan of Narain Devo, was appointed to manage the Zamindary of Kimidi for the time-being til the English could establish themselves there. 4 Narain Devo fled and took shelter in the hill region. He had still the support of the Hill-chiefs and so, he could at any time cause disturbance in the Sarkar. Under these circumstances, Cotsford invested Narain Devo’s legitimate son (as against Ms illegitimate son) as the Rajah on the advice of the Diwan, Ramajogipatro. 5 Ichapuram was separated from Kimidi and made as. Company’s Saveli land. This was placed under.. Akkaji. ■ Zamindaries. of Tekkali and Jalmeer were restored to the respective Zamindars raising their tributes. 6 But, Narain Devo took Kimidi and drove out Ramajogipatro. 7 So, the English decided to find an end to these disturbances in the Sarkar by ’crashing 1 Narain Devo. First, they wanted to isolate him by capturing the supporters, 2 Ibid.: VijiaramaRazn.p.228. 3 L. Sundaram : Op.cit, JAHRS, VoLXll, Inly, 1938, p. 142. 4 Ibid. ■ ' 5&6 Ibid. 7 Records of Fort St. George : Masuli to Madras, 6th Ian, 1769, Lr.No.45 Military Consultations, DLl2th Ian, Vol.65, pp. 19-20. 126 Andhra Between The Empires Goman Isi, and Rayafpdi Isi, both the hill-chiefs with the help of Ramajogi- patro and Linga Bhnpati, 'the Rajah of Madgallu with the help of Sitharama Razu. The English succeeded in their attempt Narain Devo, being deserted by Ms close followers, had, however, won the support of one, Vikrama Devo, the Zamindar of Saloor : and Rayagarh. Both of them planned to bring Marathas through the passage of Rayagarh. On receiving this intelligence, Smith and Col. Peach requested Sitharama Razu to oppose them. Sitharama Razu sent Payak Rao to Vikaram Devo and succeeded in breaking the friendship between Narain Devo and Vikram Devo. 8 Under these circumstances, Narain Devo tried to reconcile with the British Company and wrote a letter to Charles Bourchier, Governor at Madras, to excuse his past misdeeds which he committed on the ill-advice of certain enemies. 9 He also wrote a letter to-Cotsford at Vizagapatam request¬ ing Mm to recommend his case to Madras Council to settle the affairs of Ms Zamindary. 10 But, the English were not prepared to pardon Mm for his crimes and directed Ramajogipatro to take the most expedient measure in conjunction with Andrews for putting Narain Devo into our hands. 11 The English protested against the action of Sitharama Razu who tried to molest the Polygar of Saloor under the pretext that he helped Vikram Devo and Narain Devo. The English wanted to protect Vikram Devo after he had ceased Ms relations with Narain Devo. 12 Sitharama Razu sent Ms' Diwan, Jagannatha Razu, to Madras to acquaint the Madras Government with the particulars of the dispute of Ms Zamindary. 13 Woratla district belonging to Peddapuram Zamindary was annexed to Vizianagaram by Vijiarama Razu (the elder) before he restored Ibid.: Country Correspondence, VoL 17-2, Yr. 1769, Lr.No. 1 st from Sitharama Razu to John Levin Smith, Dt24th April, 1769, pp. 269-71, Lr.No„213 from Vijayarama Raju to Jagannatha Razu the Diwan at Madras, Dt.22nd May, 1769, pp. 310,1L : 9 .Ibid. : VoI.17-2, Lr. from Narain Devo, Dt.l7th August,, and reed. Dt.24th Sept, No.293,pp. 435-36. 10 : VoI.17-2, Lr.No.294 from Dev to Cotsford, DU7th August, pp. 436-437. 11 Ibid.: To Ramajogipatro, Dl 21 st November. 12 Ibid.: VoI.17-2, Yr. 1769, Lr.No.181 from Sitharama Razu to John Smith, Dt24th April* D69, pp. 269-71; Lr.No.213 from Vijiarama Razu to Jagannatha Razu, Dt.22nd May, 1769,pp.310-11.. ' ' ■ ' ; 13 Ibid. ; Native Resistance .127 the Zammdary of Peddapuram to its hereditary ruler. Thimma Razu after the Battle of Chebrole. This was protested by Jagapathi Razu alias Thimma Razu of Peddapuram who requested the Madras Council to grant him a Sanad for the paragam of Woratla and other five Mahals in consideration of his heredi¬ tary right and his unfailing loyalty to the English. 14 The eneirity between Vizianagaram and Peddapuram was continuing from the accession of Ananda Razu to the Zamindaiy of Vizianagaram after the Battle of Bobbili since Ananda Razu did not like the restoration of TMmma Razu to Peddapuram by his' predecessor. Meanwhile, Bourchier, on Ms resignation, was replaced by Dupre as the Governor at Madras. 15 Sitharama Razu 'had yet another claim on the paragam of Peroor and Impaloor dependent on Rajahmundry Sarkar presently enjoyed by the Kalidindi family of Mogilitum. 16 . But the English were not .Inclined to concede to the claims, of Sitharama Razu as a step 'to'diminish the power and influence of Vizianaga¬ ram. The English felt that the Rajah of Mogiliturru had stronger claim over the paragam than the 'Rajah of Vizianagaram despite the numerous pro¬ tests. 17 Further, the English wanted to stop the incursions of Vizianagaram into Kimmidi and Ichapuram territories." 'On the death of Narain Devo, the countries of Kimmidi and Koppunur were kept under the charge of Gajapa- thi Devo, son of Narain Devo, and Prathap Dev, younger brother of Narain Devo respectively. .Sitharama Razu tried to seize this opportunity and marched into these territories under the-pretext of collecting, dues from them. Gajapathi Devo and Prathap Devo fled to the forests and appealed to. Cotsford at Ganjam to grant a Cowte for these paragams , Cotsford supported the cause of Prathap Devo .and granted a Cowle against the. .wishes of Sitharama Razu. 18 However, the affair, was settled between Vijiarama Razu and Prathap Devo. The Madras Government sent Andrews to Yizagapaiam . 14 Records of Port St George ; Country Correspondence (Milt) ljr.No.322 from Jagapathi Razu, Reed. 12th Nov, 1769, VoL 17-2, Yr. 1769, pp. 499-501. 15 Ibid.: Lr.No. 13 to Sitharama Razu, Dt 5th Mar, p. 24. 16 :Ibid.: Lr.No. 160 from Sitharama Razu, VoL 19, Yr. 1771, pp. 259,260. 17 Ibid.: Lr.No. 187 to Sitharama Razo, Dt 17th Dec, 1771, pp. 297,298. 18 Ibid.: Lr.No.51 from Prathap Desvo, Dt 17th Feb, 1772, VoL. 21, Yr. 1772,. p. 106. 128 Andhra Between The Empires on the request of Vijiarama Razo. However, the Rajah was advised to keep himself away from the .affair of Kimidi Zamindary . 19 Throughout this period, the English maintained cordial relations with the Nizam Government. On the request of the Diwan of Nizam AM, Ruknuddoula, the English restored the Kasha (the right to collect the customs and other duties to the highest bidder) of Rajahmundry to Khwaja Nurulla Khan, nephew of Salabat lung who was enjoying the Kasha for a term of more than 60 years till it was rented out to one, TMmma Razu for a higher rent. The English also averted a skirmish by restoring the idols of Bhadra- chalam temple which were forcibly taken out by the Zamindars of Gutala and Polavaram under Rajahmundry . 20 2. SEQUESTRATION OF YIZIANAGARAM ZAMINDARY Since the Nizam was deprived of ail Ms claims over the Northern Sarkars, the English were freed from externa! -danger. But, they had some difficulty with the Zamindarof Vizianagaram whose power, was to be reckoned within the Sarkar of Chicacole. The English were always suspicious about the fidelity of the Rajahs of Vizianagaram. According to two papers in the French language, one entitled “Copy of Instructions given to Mens, de Bussy” and the other “Copy of a project given'by Slew de Busy” procured, by the English in 1783, Vijiarama Razu was reported that “ he was a party to determine upon the most secret ways of acting in concert (with the Vakils of Basaiat lung and the Rajah of Carnatic) to produce the revolution proper for the free independence of India and for the reciprocal pretensions of their Masters”. So, the Bengal Council resolved to watch carefully the conduct of the family of Vizianaga¬ ram “in order to prevent any detriment to the Company’s interests in the Sartors ." 21 Jogipaniulu and his brother ■ Venkatapati Rayulu who enjoyed the offices of Mazumdarmd Shdristodar respectively till 1781 and rented several 19 Ibid. : Lr.No.88 from Vijiarama Razu Reed 24th Apr, 1772, Lr.No.93 from Silharama Razu, Red 20th Apr, 1772, Vol.211, pp. 167 & 168 respectively. 20 Records of Fort St George: Country Correspondence (Mild Dept) VoL 19 for the year 1771.; Lj.No. 110 from Jalabat Jung, Reed. 25th June, 1771, p. 180; Lr.No.lll from Ruknnddoula, Reed 25th June, 1771, p. 181; Lr.No. 153 to Ruknnddoula, Dl 4th Nov, 1771, p. 248; Lr.No.190 from Rutaiddoula, Reed. 20th Dec., P. 301. 21 Fort William - India House Correspondence (Foreign & Secret) VoLXV, 1782-86, (1963) Lr. from the Court, Dt.9th Sept, 1783, pp. 52 & 53. Native Resistance 129 farms and enjoyed Russome and oilier gift? till their abolition in 1786, were, from the beginning, working against me Rajah of Vizianagaram. , The internal.disputes in the Zamindary of Vizianagaram provided sufficient opportunity to the English to diminish the power and influence of Vizianagaram before the end of the 18th Century. Internal troubles of Zaminclar The misunderstandings between Vijiarama Razu and Sltfaarama Razu were caused by one, Jagannatha Razu who worked for a long time in the service of the Zamindary and later procured Havelilmds under the British Company. The English interfered in the affairs of the Zamindary when Sitharama Razu got Jagannatha Razu arrested for some dues to Ms Zam- Indary and kept in the Fort of Vizianagaram. The English claimed the release of Jagannatha Razu. on the pretext that he was a Company’s servant. The Chief of Yizagapatam also charged the Rajah of Vizianagaram that he, was raising troops and that he had invited Marathas into the Sarkar to create disturbances. The English also protested against the adoption of the son of Sitharama Razu to succeed Vijiarama Razu without obtaining prior permis¬ sion of the English Government, Ms overlords. 22 Col Braithwite arrived at Vizagapatam to ensure Jagannatha Razu’s release. Vijiarama Razu complained that Johnson, the Chief of Vizagapatam, had misreported about him and hence, he expressed Ms desire to go over to Madras personally to explain every thing to the Governor. 23 Later, Col. Braithwite, with a company of sepoys,- arrived at Vizian- agaram to press for the payment of arrears of tribute. VijiaramaRazu was not prepared for tMs onslaught and expressed his willingness to deliver up all Ms territories and to go to Madras with his family. But, Col. Braithwite had only come over there to take the Rajah of VIjianagaram to Vizagapatam so as to arrange for a meeting between the Rajah and the Chief of Vizagapatam to wipe out the differences between them. 24 Jagannatha Razu "poisoned 5 the ears of the Chief of Vizagapatam that the Rajah was paying only 41/2 lakhs as annual rent (tribute) whereas he was 22 Records of Fort St George: Country Correspondence (Milit) Lr.No.S2 to Vijiarama Razu, Dt.l4th July, 1777, Vol.26, Yr. 1777, pp.174-176;. Mackenzie's Mss. Vizianagaram : Telugu Sahitya Akademi, VoL25, p. 205. 23 Ibid.: Lr.No.93from VijiaramaRazu, Dt4th Aug, 1777, pp.215-216. 24 . Ibid.: Lr.Mo. 99 from Vijiarama Ram, Dt7th Aug., 177, pp.217-220. 130 Andhra Between The Empires collecting aboil I? lakhs towards revenue from his districts. 25 Vijiarama Razu and Sitharamr Ram felt that Jagannatha Razu might do more harm to the Zanundan, being outside of it. So, they pardoned him for his misconduct and pursuaded him 10 join the services of the Zaminbary and iater deputed him to Vizagapatam to settle the peshcush with the English as per the previous rate. But the English were not prepared to accept the old rate and Johnson, the Chief of Yizagapatam, seized the Fort and later handed over to Vijiarama Razu only after settling the tribute at a higher rate. During this ceded, Jagannatha Razu was, however, successful, in separating the two brothers. 2 * Vijiarama Razu removed Sitharama .Razu and appointed Jagan- nathz Razu as his Oman. The Rajah wrote to Madras that it was only due to ±e mismanagement of Sitharama Razu, Ms country was mined and 6 he got nothing but a bad name’. He sent Jagannatha Razu to explain his affairs, to the Madras Government Jagannatha Razu could procure Sanads in favour of his master, Vijiarama Razu. 27 Sitharama Razu la Exie During the period of exile, Sitharama Razu went to Madras and won the sympathies of the Madras Government. The' Madras Government entrusted him with the Haveli lands in Nellore District and the Diwanship of Guntur Sarkar when the English rented the Sarkar from Rasalat Jung in I779. 28 ■ ' Sitharama Razu tried to get Jagannatha Razu .arrested while he was in Vizagapatam to procure Sanads in favour of Yijiarama Razu.. But Jagannatha Razu escaped from Vizagapatam? 9 But, very soon, the Sarkar was restored to Basalat Jung and Sitharama Razu could not discharge Ms obligations to the English: on account of the territory leased to Mm. in. Nellore.. He was also charged with misappropria¬ tion of funds and. the English lost confidence in him. 30 . , 25 Mackenzie’s Mss.; Kaifiyat: Vmanagaram 26 lid" 21 Records of Fort St George : Country Correspondence (Milit) Lr.No.48 &47 from Vijiarama Razu, Dt ist March, 1778 &28& Feb, 1778, pp.80 & 79, Vol.27 for the year 1778. 28 Talboy Wheeler : Handbook of Madras Records (19QT) Chronological annals, p. XL 29 Mackenzie's Mss. : Vol. 25, Vizxanaganan. ■ 36 Records of.Fort’William: Foreign and Secret Consultations, Dt.5th Aug, 1782, App.2 from Veriest Rao Anvil of Ndtore, Dt 5th My, 1782, Reed, 8th My. Native Resistance 131 Jagannatha Razu helped the Chief of V Izagapatam in arresting Sithar¬ ama Razu while he was taking refug-;- in Anakapalli Sitharama Razu appealed to his brother, Vijiarama Ran*, who was staying at Simhachalam to come to Ms rescue. Accordingly, V : T jiama Ram marched with some force and rescued Ms brother. Vijiarama Razu and Sitharama Razu thrashed out their differences which were created by Jagannatha Razu and once again worked together. 31 Though the English were not happy with the behaviour of Vijiarama Razu, they could not react immediately due to their commitment in the Carnatic. Eyer Coote was marcMng from Bengal to the Carnatic with a contingent Since the English were interested to curb the power of Mysore, they were in need of help from the Zammdars of Northern Sarkars. So, they addressed letters to all of them to join Eyre Coote with their native contin¬ gents and Vijiarama Razu and Sitharama Razu expressed their readiness to co-operate with the British army. 32 Besides this, the two brothers helped the British fleet under Col. Jones in destroying a French fleet on the coast. The English appreciated the services of these brothers. 33 However, the English were never prepared to allow a discount in the payment of dues by the .Rajah in consideration of his services. The Rajah was never punctual, in Ms payments. He paid the dues only on the approach of Col. CookerelFs detachment in October, 1792 34 The Bengal Council advised Madras Government to instruct Vijiar¬ ama Ram to remove Sitharama Razu from the office of Dtwan since they felt that he was the real cause of trouble in those parts. The Madras Government was advised to take adequate steps “to bring Vijiarama Razu to senses" 1 . 35 31 Mackenzie’s Mss.: VoL 25, Vmanagaram. 32 Records, of Fort St. George; Country 'Correspondence (MUIt Dept) Lr.No.136 to Vijiarama Razu, DtSth Dec, 1780, VoL29,-pp. 260-61, Requesting the Razu to supply thousand ■Cavalry, 2,000 Sepoys, 4,000. peons; JagapatM Razu was asked, to supply - 2,5000 peons, Thirupathi Razu. 1,000 peons, VenkatRao for 1,000 and Appa Rao for 1,000 peons; Lr.Mo.10 from Vijiarama Ram, Dt7th Ian, 1781, pp.37 to 39 of VoL30 for the Yr. 1781; Lr.Mo.36 from Jagapatid Razu Dl 8th Ian, Voi30.A, pp.103,104; -Lr.No.37 from Narsing Appa Rao, DtSth March, Vol.30A, p. 104; Lr.No.38 from Thirupathi Ram, DtSth Mar, VoL30A,pp. 104-5 responding favourably to the English appeal and showing their readiness with the sepoys on a short notice. 33 Ibid.: Lr.No.21 from Vijiarama Ram, Dt27lh Jan, 1782, pp.26,27; Lr.Mo.34 from Vijiarama Razu, Dt20th Feb, recd.7th Mar, 1782, VoL32 for the Yr.1782, pp.26,27 34 For William - Indian House Correspondence, Lr.No. 17, Pol. Letters to the Court, Dtl4th Dec, 1792. . 35 Ibid.: VoUTVffl, Lr.No.2Q8, p.248, Foiietters of DtlSth May, No.1,2,3, on the instructions from the Court, Dtl9th Sept, 1792, Cons. 3rd May, No.I. 132 Andhra Between The Empires Despits ±c repealed instructions from the English, Vijiarama Razu continued the services of Ms brother Sitharama Razu. So, the hladras Government was left with no alternative but to write a harsh letter to Vijiarama Razu that Ms Zamindary would be sequistered and held by the Company until their demands upon it were fully discharged. The Madras Government also promised to provide for an adequate allowance for the maintenance of his family with permission to reside wherever he might think proper excepting Vizianagaram or any other place within the Zamindary if he submitted to the English peacefully. The'English also proposed that an - allowance would be granted to Sitharama Razu also if he surrendered to them unconditionally. 36 Vijiarama Razu was to pay dues to the Company to the extent of Rs. 5 lakhs of which Rs. 2 lakhs were collected by the English from the renters. Tee Rajah claimed Rs. 30 lakhs from the English on account of Russome of Sea and land customs for the foreign trade in Ms Zamindary towns and ports.. But the English rejected the claim. Then Vijiarama Razu sent his brother Sitharama .Razu to Madras for negotiations. Meanwhile, Vijiarama Razu had to vacate the Fort and surrender the Zamindary to 'the English. -’He encountered with numerous difficulties in the surrender of the Fort since he was due to his sibbendy for quite a long time JHe was afraid that they would not allow him to go to Vizagapatam without paying their arrears. But, the English assured Mm safe conduct to Vizagapatam by providing an English contingent to suppress any revolt from his sibbendy . Vijiarama Razu wrote to the English that it would be “impropriety and indeed injustice” to withhold the pay for which they had served and said, “neverthe¬ less to whatever hitch of adversity I may be reduced whilst my heart throbs in my bosom, I shall not withdraw from the Fort and from the path of Duty.” Tn? English strongly protested against the haughty' behaviour- of Vijmrama Razu and demanded him to withdraw from the Fort without resistance and the English would take care of his sibbendy? 7 Vijiarama Razu could not resist further and the Zamindary was taken over by the English and he was sanctioned a paltry allowance of Rs. 12,000 s8 36 Records of Fort 5 l George : Country correspondence (MHIl) Vo.44, Yr. 1793, No. 106, jrp.220-223 to Vijiarama Razu, Dl 22nd May, 1793. 37 Ibid, i Lt.Ng. 8G to VijayaramaRazo, Dt. 31st May, 1794, pp.146,148 in reply to Ms letter DU7th May, 1795. * M Taraporewala; Fort William India Home Correspondence (Foreign & Poland Sec.) VoLXVHI (1955) Mecfcenzie’s Mss. Vlaanagaram. Native Resistance 133. per month. The Raj ah* s request to increase his monthly allowance to Rs. 30*000 was turned down. 38 A The Battle of Padmanabham Sitharama Razu betrayed his brother after he went to Madras for negotiations. He procured a Sanad in favour of his son* Siznha GazapalM to succeed to the Zamindaiy. 39 ' The very presence of Vijiarama Razu in the Zamindary was causing much trouble to the English in their administration. Mo one was coming forward to rent the lands for the fear of the Rajah. Besides* the Hill Zamindars dependent on Vlzianagaram were supporting the cause of Vijiarama Razu. So, Col. Pendergast instructed Vijiarama Razu to leave his country for Madras. This infuriated the Rajah. He pretended to be marching towards ■Madras with Ms small retinue and later changed Ms route suddenly towards Padmanabham. He was joined by Ms sympathisers and the famous Battle of Padmanabham was fought on July 10,1794. The skirmish lasted for 3/4 an hour in wMch the Rajah was killed. Others took refuge in nearby Mils alongwith Marayan Gajapaihi, son of Vijiarama Razu. 40 The heroic death of Vijiarama Razu caused surprise to the English Colonel who expected the Rajah to flee for life. He ordered for a state funeral for the dead hero. 41 Sitharama Razu, on his return journey, died at Alivelu Mangapuram and Ms wife performed Sati 42 Thus, the two brothers who were so prominent in the region for more than four decades died one after the other in quick succession and the English were freed from all worries. Marayan GajapatM and the Hill CMefs offered resistance till May 12, 1795 when NarayanaRazu surrendered. The English freed all the.Hill CMefs from the Rajah and they were brought under their direct control. Thus, the power and influence of Vlzianagaram waned. 43 ^^Vizagapatam Ditrict records : Vo!. 3700 Cons., Dt. 10th May, 1794, pp. 129-30. 39 Meckenzie’s Mss.: Vol. 25. 40 Fort Wiliam India House Correspondence (Foreign Pol. & Sec.) Vol.XVIH Intro¬ duction, p. 39, p. 297,393-4 Pol. letters to Court Dt 18th May, 1793, para 2-7,28th Oct, 1793, para 7,18th Aug, 1794, para 2-6 and 12th May, 1795, para 3. 41 Mackenzie's Mss.: Vol 25, Telugu Sahitya Academi 42 Fort William - India House Correspondence, Vo!.’VII Pol letters,Lr.No.40, Dt. 12th May, 1795, p. 541, Imperial Gazetteer of India , Vol.XXV, (Oct, 1908) p. 341. 43 Idem. 134 Andhra Between The Empires Narayan Razu Gajapathi was reinstated to Vizianagaram Taluka much less in extension than before. This territory' had an estimated annual yield ofRs. 12 lakhs of which the Rajah was to pay Rs. 6 lakhs as his tribute to ±a English. 44 3* TOTAPALU AFFAIR Though the transfer of the Sarkars appears to be peaceful outwardly, it was not without resistance from me local Chiefs, particularly Hill Chiefs. The Revolt of Totepcii Zamindm semes as a good illustration of tribal resistance to die British Colonialism. Tom Totapai: Estate vms a small district about 40 miles from Samar- lalxta depender r on Pedcapur Zamir bar paying 500 pagodas annually to the Zorrrua* of PMiupur as a tnbo + e. The Chief of the district at the time of transfer of the Sarxars was i'ggappa Dora. He defied the authority of the British official at Samarlkota, Capran Madge, who directed Mm to supply seme bamboos am; timber for the construction of public buildings at his headquarters ( Ssmarlakota} 45 . To&pall: Zsmindary was well known for its exports of timber and bamboos. In fact It was the only source of revenue to the Zamindan Owing to the special circumstances, the Zamindar never used to pay the tribute promptly to the Zamindar of Peddapuram and in turn, the Zamindar of Peddapuram never took the matter very seriously, since it was not thought worthwhile and economically viable to take the district under their own management. Capt. Madge complained to Wynch that the Poligar refused the supply on the advice ofRaghavaRazu, the Diwan of Peddapuram. He reported that Kaghava Kazn warned the Poligar that there would be no end to such demand in future If, once, he accepted this demand. The demand was unprecedented since he was not under the direct control of the Company. 46 Capt. Madge described the Poligar as ‘Truly troublesome fellow 9 and required 2 to 3 companies of sepoys besides the anny of Peddapuram to reduce Mm. 47 Alexander Wynch at Masulipatam opened negotiations with Jug- .gappa Dora to answer for Ms behaviour. Jnggappa Dora informed Wynch 44 D.R Caimldiad: Manual ofVimgapatam Dist. (1869. 45 Selections from, the Records of Godavari Dist ; Report of the Totapaili Estate (8th April, 1770- 12th March, 1771) KaMnada 1912; Lr. from Wynch to Governor Josias Du Pre, at Rat St George, Bt 5ih April, 1770, p. 865. 46 Ibid.; Lr. from OtpL Madge to Wynch,' from Samarlakoia,. Dtl7th April, 1770, pp.I6 f IT. 47 S»d.: Ix.frta» pp. 18 & 19 ,Andhra Between The Empires Wynch, the Chief at Masulipatam, warned the R^ah ofTeddapmam that the subjugation of Totapalli would be done by the En^sh akme ^ &e to? ah did not iLcept to cooperate with them and in such case, Totaplli would o J **> Brt-. *. Z5 about the negotiations between the Rajah and Jagg pp _ , Q Totapalli was deserted by Juggappa Dora, the Rajah was not abe administer the area due to the depredahonsof Juggappa toaalongwift ins brother Rajanna Dora. So, Alexander Wynch instructed Capt. Madge to induce Rajanna Dora to come over to their side. 56 Cap Madg e felt that the operations against Juggappa Dorawouldbe 'tedious and expensive’ and suggested to make peace with hum Tta> Rajah of Peddapuram was never serious in reducing the Pohgar. Be ides te, Juggappa Dora had the sympathies of nearby Hill Chiefs and other Zam indars. He was getting material assistance from the Pohgar of Jiddengy. But, the Madras Council induced the Rajah to march with the Captain along with 500 Matchlock and about 400 pikemen under the command o Raghava Raju. The other petty Zamindars, Niladri Rao, Ramachanra Razu and Konnoty Thirupati, also joined them. The Captain was heading complete companies of sepoys with two battalionsof field pieces. English expected that the pohgar could mobilise 2000 men, one thirds of whom would be without arms and another third of whom were inhabitants o Peddapuram and Pittapuram towns who would not long adhere to Juggappa Dora's cause. 57 Their march was disturbed by the overflow of certain rivulets on account of heavy rains while on their way and so they could not reach Totapalli before 9th May. Rajanna Dora, the lieutenant of Juggappa Dora, waspursuaded to join and he joined them in the last minute and so, ibepohgar was induced to retire to Gulgonda. The country was entirely deserted The Captain proposed to appoint Rajanna Dora to the management of Totapalli and to pursue Jaggappa Dora. 58 Timma Razu was not very serious to expel Juggappa Dora. The Poilgar of Gulgonda offered mediation between the Rajah and Juggappa Dora to the satisfaction of the Rajah. The Rajah was willing to reinstate 55 Wd.: Lr. from Wynch lo the Rajah Peddapuram, Dl 23rd April, 1770, p. 3. 56 Md.: Lr. from Wynch to Madge, DC 7th July, 1770, pp. 8 & 9. 57 Ibid.: Lr. from Capt. Madge at Samarlakota to Wynch, Dt. 28th April, 1770, pp. 18 & 19. 58 Ibid-: Lr. from Capt. to Wynch, Dl 9th May, 1770, pp. 21 & 22. Native Resistance 137 Juggappa if he submitted himself. The Captain realised that the Rajah pretended to have been convinced to put Rajanna Dora in charge of the management of Totapalli. When the party left for forests to pursue Juggappa Dora, the Rajah followed with 300 men and-did not keep .any detachment at Totapalli. Because of the Rajah's inclinations, the English feared that Rajaima Dora might defect to the side of Juggappa. 59 On hearing this, Alexander Wynch reprimanded the Rajah in a strong letter that he should not come to terms with Juggappa Dora in a mediation meeting with Gulgonda Rajah at Reetalapudi. The Rajah was, then, prepared to assist the Captain in constructing two temporary Redoubts , one in the valley of Shankaram and the other in the valley of Lampagotam. These villages which were too remote to be defended from these redoubts were to be destroyed so that the Poiigar would be left with no source to support his followers after the little money he had, was spent. Capt. Madge wanted to see that the inhabitants should be deterred from cultivating the country as long as they adhered to the came of Juggappa Dora under the fear that their crops might be destroyed or plundered by the Rajah’s people, till they might be reduced either to sue for protection and submit to the .Rajah’s government, or to retire'put of the country for want of subsistence. 60 Very soon, Rajanna Dora joked the cause of Juggappa Dora. He repaired the barrier at Totapalli and placed felled trees across the defile leading from Wakapalli kto the valley of Shankharam “with ktention to shut us (the English) up within the hills”. He placed bamboos and thorns on the way. So, the Rajah and the Captak had to return from Reetalapudi to Follam where they exchanged fire with Rajanna Dora. The English troops burnt the town since the people could not come to terms while the Rajah’s troops did, not Fire at them. Capt. Madge cleared the road from Pollam to Shankaram by engaging sufficient number of wood cutters and. tank, diggers and raised a redoubtiherewithonecompanyofsepoysandSOOmenoftheRajah. Another redoubt at Smpagotava, was to be maintained by 500 matchlock men of the Rajah. Raghava Razu with 1000 men would keep supplies to redoubts and watch the movements of the Poiigar , The Poiigar of .Gulgonda did not heed to the request of the English to expel Juggappa from Ms areas. 61 59 Selections .from the Records of Godavari District: Report on the Totapalli Affair; Capt- to Wynch, Dl 21st May, 1770, pp. 23 & 25. m Ibid.: Lr. from Capt Madge to Wynch, Dl 5th Jane, 1770, from camp at (near to) TotapaiIi # pp. 26-28. ... 61 .Ibid. . ■ ' ' 138 Andhra Between The Empires the foul nlav of Raahava Kazu, ieu mat n ^ — ---- ‘ without a rescue of lessening out consequence in the Eyes at se Zamindars ” The Madras Government directed Wynch that Raghava Razu u, peva,. Um tom hdpmg M rebel ££rtf£l**»Den-**™* over 10te s f by v S “" 4 him to te would be givenTotapalli alougwiilJ Ihe independent poupon o. Peddapuram. 42 By* Raianna Dora had become more hostile by now. He -cssec over to KottaCam paraganaby blocking up the defiles and stationed his trcoos on Hills, still attempting to communicate with Juggappa Cant Madge wanted to catch the Poligar if he came m person to tall to - . the- Oilledar of Peddapuram, who were Conciliatory talks with Juggappa The Rajah and the Captain could not procure men to build the redoubts since the Poligar's men were attacking every one. So, they retire to Dughards leaving Raghava Razu at Shankaram who promtsed to catch Juggappa in person when he came there from conciliatory talks with him,but, he could not imprison him since Juggappa came to meet him well-guarded. Raghava Razu, then left for Womangy on June 26, where he would be meeting Juggappa to finalise the affair and promised to deliver him to the English if ff was caught hold of. 6 * But Juggappa came to Womangy with 2000 men. two thirds of whom were matchicock men. So, this plan also failed. Jugapoa again retired to hills. But, Juggappa’s financial position was far from satisfactory. Though he wanted to disband his sibbendy, Bajanna. Dora prevailed upon him to keep them so that Peddapura country could be looted. 65 But, Juggappa wanted to anrive at a compromise with the Rajahol Peddapuram. He sent his Vakil to the Rajah for negotiating the terms. e Rajah insisted to make good the expenses for this expedition in addition to 62 Q»w«i"n« from the Records of Godavari Disc: Report of the Totapalli Estate; Lr. from Governor to Wynch, Dl 6th June, 1770, pp. 72 & 73. 63 Ibid.: Lr. from CapL Madge to Wyndt from Camp at Shankharam, Dt 16th June, 1770, p.30. 64 Ibid.: U.fromMadgetoWynchfromShankharam on 1st July, 1770, pp. 32,33. 65 Ibid.: Lr. from Madge to Wynch from Shankharam on 1st July, 1770, p. Native Resistance uy 6000 pagodas for the last year’s rent along with an assurance of his good conduct and regular payments in future. But, Juggappa could omy offer Rs.7,600 in all. As these negotiations failed, - -a English planned to reduce Jiddengy Poligar EriyaReddy, from whome fee Poligar was receiving material assis¬ tance, to ceases his relations with Juggappa. Otherwise, the English ie*t it would be difficult to reduce Juggappa though it would stake the Company s honour” 66 So, the Captain and the Rajah left for Lampagalova where tney expected to speak terms with the Jiddengy Poligar. Meanwhile, Captain Madge collected additional supplies from Kaikinaram. He left 200 with one company oisepoya under Ensign Wilson at Shankaram.' Jiduengy Poligar demanded ‘rent-free’ holding of his country as he was snjoyu- under Juggappa, otherwisehe expressedhis willingnes to maintain neutrality in the affair and honour the future terms between the Rajah and^ug|app<*. This attempt of the English to reduce Jiddengy Poligar, also, faucet- _ _ Bu., Captain Madge came to know, later, that the Rajah’s meeting witn Jtooengy Poligar was false, when he sent his own man to the Poligar. Juggappa went to Gulgunda for supplies leaving hismen in the hills. The English were entertaining afond hope that his men were in distress, owing to sickness and lack of provisions and so, his men might desert him soon. Besides, the English hoped that Juggappa would not get assistance from Gulgunda. So, they imagined, ‘he may not return, lest his sibbendy should be so much exasperated at his disappointing them as to resolve to deliver him up to the Rajah. 4 * 70 Poligar . Immediately he occupied Totapallx a territory. 71 . ; .. « Selections from the Records of Godavari DisL : Report of the Totapatti Estate; Lr. from Wynch from Madge from Shankharam, Dl 26th July, * 6 ‘ 67 Ibid.: Lr. from Madge to Wynch from Samarlakota, Dl 12th Aug, 1770, pp.37,38. 68 Ibid.: Lr. from Madge to Wyndi Samarlakots, Dt. 22nd S^)t, r?70, pp. 38,39 69 Ibid.: I^fromMadgetoWynchtomSliaxi^ . 70 Ibid.: Lr.from Madge to Wynch from SamarJakota. Dt. 22nd Sept, 1770, pp.38,39. 71 ibid.: Lr.from Madge to Wynch from Shanlcharam,Dt. 28th Sept, 1770,pp.39,40,4 . 140 Andhra Between The Empires Captain Kiadge realised that tiie Rajah of Feddapuram and Raghava Razn, his Oman, and other native chiefs were misleading him in this affair and also felt that it was not easy to reduce this Mil-chief. He wrote to the Chief at Masnlipatam to permit him to March to Shankaram to enter into a treaty with the Poligar ‘at his own terms or to dislodge him from Totapalli.’ The "Rajah of Feddapuram, having left Ms place for long, wanted to make peace with the poligar, if Juggappa offered Rs. 10,000 towards arrears and expenses.* 72 The Madras Government instructed the Chief at Masnlipatam a to act as principals in the affair”. In their secret message, the Madras Gov¬ ernment authorised the Chief to allow peace with Juggappa if he offered sub¬ mission in person and “ then resentment should fall on Raghava Razu” who was the main arcMtect of the foul play.” 73 Juggappa, also, seemed to have expressed his willingness to make peace with the English if he was given protection by the English. Captain Madge suggested to the Chief of Masuliptalam, “it were much to be wished he was still allowed sovereignty of the District on any terms the Poligar may be prevailed upon to submit to before the country is assumed by the Company as that measure can be adopted after every other method of reconciling him to Tirana Razn may have proved ineffectual.” 74 The Rajah of Feddapuram was extending half hearted cooperation in this affair. The English suspected a foul play on the part of the Rajah and Ms Diwan, Raghava Razu. The English felt that the Rajah of Feddapuram was not showing much interest in reducing Totapalli though it was his own affair. So, the English surprised, “ Feddapuram Rajah instead of acting principal in his affair, is appearing as luke-warm auxiliary”and they determined, "The country is to be settled on any other terms.than that of an accommodation with Juggappa, not-withstanding he has offered every kind of submission in Ms power that justice tempered with clemency can require”. The English were depending on paid guides to get the knowledge of Mils, but following them blindly resulted in “fatal consequences”. The English felt that driving the enemy out of Mis would be a prosperous beginning of restoring peace in the districts. To .acMeve this end they wanted "effective vigilance and the assistance of principal inhabitants”. 75 . 71 Selections from the- Records of Godavari DisL : Report to the Totapalli Estate; Lr. from Madge to Wyndi from Shmridiaraxn, DL28th Sept, 1770, pp. 39,40,41. 73 Sad.: Letter ih»i Governor, IX la Aog, !770, p. 73. 74 Idem. 75 Ibid. : Lr. from CapL Madge to Wyndi from Shankharam, Dl 9th Oct, 1770, pp. 42-44. Native Resistance 141 For the execution of the above plan, Cap:. Madge requisitioned for 4 companies of Sepoys drawn from Ellore and Kondapalii Sarkar. The Rajah was to send 600 matchlock men under Ragiiava Razu (Jogi Razu). They expected the strength of their energy to be 1000 to 2000 fighting men. Juggappa had fortified his Pollam taking advantages of their inactivity. So, Captain Madge proposed to keep one company of Sepoys from the side of Jiddengi, another from the front barrier side leading to Wakepalii and the last not to entertain him. In such a case, they anticipated that the Poligar might escape to Margole or Sitharama Razu’s camp which' were not in the jurisdiction of Masulipatam to pursue. 76 142 Andhra Between The Empires So, the English decided to employ 'most spirited efforts* for this sendee. Captain Marchand with the detachment of 6th Sarkar Battalion was asked to take charge of Samarlafeota so that Captain Madge could concentrate cn the execution of the plan. Preparation for the Final Attack Captain Madge was allotted 6 companies or sepoys for the expedition. The English procured provisions for six months to be kepi at Shankaram 8i and a surgeon also to stay with them. 52 The Rajah of Peddapuram was required to supply 4&Q matchlock peons, 50 threads (informants) of reliance and * ,20 000 "aden iron bullets.* 3 Later, Lt. Pad: also joined Madge to assist him/ 4 Juggappa had increased his sibbendy besides having fortified Pollam, his present abode. Tne Poligar of Gulgunda who was depending on Vizian- agaram Zamindar was continuously extending his cooperation to Juggappa. He also gave shelter to families of Poligar men in his country. Since Vizianagaram was beyond the jurisdiction of Masulipatam Council, Alexander Wynch requested the Madras Government to warn Sitharama Razu not to assist Juggappa. Since Sitharama Razu was not in good terms with Gulgunda Poligar , he had encamped nearby. So, the English offered their assistance to Mm in reducing Gulgunda Rajah so that Juggappa would be deprived of the only assistance. 85 Juggappa made another request to Alexander Wynch to send English officers to conduct him. to Rajahmundry to pay his submission which was considered as ‘ridiculous’ by the Masuli- patam Council The Madras Council assured him. a cowle of safety but Juggappa did not respond to this. 86 Perhaps, Juggappa had come to know about the English plan as suggested by Captain Madge to Wynch. He wrote. to Wynch, “he is. so notorious a raskal that it could be. wished he were brought over to the Rajah’s.interest through his .means only; and then seized by the 81 Selection from the Records of Disc Godavari: Report of Totapalli Estate; Lr. from to Wynch Samarlakota, Dl 27th Ian, 1771, pp. 50,51. 82 Ibid : Lr. from Madge to Wynch from Camp near Samarlakota, Dl 8th Feb., 1771, 1 ** 54 . 83 Ibid: m .Ibid.: Lr. fromWynch to govmiorfrcmRajalmimd^*!!^^^** H71, pp.77,78. 85 Ibid.: Madge to Wynch from Camp near Samarlakota, Dt.8th Feb, 1771. 86 Ibid.: Lr. from Wynch to governor from Rajahmimdry, Dl 7th Feb, 1771, ... .pp.77,78. Native Resistance 143 Company for contempt of their government and disrespect of your former Cowle , the moment he made his appearance."’ 87 Captain Madge sought assistance from Maseniah, logi Razu, Venkatapathi Razu and other local chiefs. He thought that one, Jagann&tha Razu, a son of former Poligar of Totapalli, was 5 the fittest person* to manage the area. 88 He was mostly dependent on the Rajah of Peddapuram for “his men are essential without them European army can not do any thing.” Ke also tried to win. over Raj anna, who had, hither-to, been the right hand man to Juggappa, Luckily for the English, Rajanna Dora’s quarrels were so frequent and sudden with Juggappa as Ms reconciliations v/ere. 89 The Rajah of Peddapuram was successful in getting Ms defection from Juggappa*s Camp. Rajanna accepted to go to Rajahmundry to make his submission to Alexander Wynch, followed by one hundred Rajah’s men. He also accepted to keep his family at Peddapuram as hostages for Ms proper behaviour. He was assured of the management of Totapaii after the expulsion of Juggappa. 90 Rajanna, along with another hill chief, Rama Razu, met Wynch at Rajahmundry. He was able to draw the cooperation from the other hill-chiefs, Jagannalha Razu, Venkatapathi Razu, Ramaiah etc. who declined their assistance.previously when the English wrote for 'theirhelp. 91 The Rajah of Peddapuram also succeeded in winning over 'the principal inhabitants of the region 92 He sent Jagannalha Razu to Rajammapet, a mile away from the English Camp, to assist Madge by providing guides and to assemble 4 the hill people at Ragampattam to pursuade them to accept the Rajah’s cowle and to submit to his Government.’ The Rajah sent logi Razu also with money for making 4 usual trifling presents to the Mil-peoples to win- them 4 over to the Rajah’s side. 93 The partisans of the Poligar were also active in their propaganda to continue their obedience to Juggappa and people were also responding to them favourably. The hill people blockaded the roads ‘so effectually that .it took them (the Rajah and the English ) several hours to 87 Ibid.: Rom Madge at Camp near Samarlakota to Wynch, Dl ISitiFeb, 1771,p.55. 88 Ibid.: From Madge to Wynch, from Samarlakota, Dt 5th Feb, 1771, pp. 52 & 53. 89 Ibid.: From Madge to Wynch, Dt 13th Feb, 1771, pp. 57,58. . 90 Ibid. : Lr. Madge near Smarlakota to Wynch, IX 17th' Feb, 1771, p. 58. 91 Ibid. : Lr. from Madge to Wynch, from Agaraom, Dt 20th Feb, 1771, p. 61 . 92 Ibid.: Lr. from Madge to Wynch, from Samarlakota, IX 27th Ian, 1771, pp. 50 & 51. 93 Ibid.: Lr. from Madge from Samarlakota to Wynch, IX 17th Feb, 177 1, p. 58., 144 Andhra Between The Empires clear them. 9 54 Rasxalsii and Rajanna joined the Captain, at Ragampatam on March, 3. The presence of Ramalah and Rajazma. at Ragampatam had the desired effect They could manage to get the hill people reconciled to the Rajah of PeddapuramJ 5 Having bees deserted by many of his dose associates Juggappa hid himself in hills with his faithful followers. The English employed native Mr cars (spies) to watch his movements. On March 1,1771, he left Jiddengy with the intention to retire into the Rampa country, but on account of some ceremony, he halted at Kridlah, a village 16 cose from Ragampatam, with 22 followers. Juggappa wanted to stay there for two days. Considering the number of Mils between Ragampatam and Kridlah, the ruggedness of the roads and the distance involved, Juggappa thought that his stay there might be safe. He had the least suspicion of the .English intention to capture him. The English thought that it was the most opportune moment to capture Juggappa. Fall of Juggappa An English detachment under the command of Lt. Paik left Ragam¬ patam at about 6 pun. on Mar 1, 1771 and marched through the Mils throughout the night and reached Kirdlah at day break on following day. Rut, Juggappa had already left the place the evening before for Krabb about 3 coses from there. The English detachment marched to Krubb without .any delay through the hills without being recognised by a body of people Juggappa had posted at some distance from the village for his security. The English entered the village unperceived. The Hircars pointed out the Poligar while he was entering the village from another quarter. Lt. Palk marched towards Mm with his advance guards. When they had come within 100 yards, Juggappa came to know about the danger and fled to the Mils nearby as fast as he could. The English army surrounded the hill and both sides exchanged fire. Juggappafeii a prey to the English bullets after being fired at three times. His followers seeing their leader dead, fled leaving the body behind and 15 others who were either killed or wounded. .Dossera Appa Rao, Diwon of Juggappa, escaped with a body of people left at the entry of that village. Lt. Selections from the Records of Cksdavari Disc : Report of the Totapalli Estate; Lr. from Madge at ^ganfatam to Wynch, Dl 25th Reb, 1771, p. 58. 95 . Ibid. : 14. from Madge at SbaDkhanm to Wyneh, Dl 6th Mar, 177 1, p. 63. Native Resistance 145 Falk returned to Ragampatam with the head of Juggappa severed from Ms tody, so as to convince the people of Totapalli 'the certainty of Ms fate’. 96 Thus came to an end another heroic story 7 of native resistance to the gradual penetration of the English power into the Northern Sarkars. Though Juggappa was a petty hill chief of a negligible territory, the reduction of him had become a prestigious issue for the English. They learnt a lesson not to interfere in the affairs of hill-chiefs hereafter. The management of Totapalli was given to Rajamu; on payment of Rs. 4,000 towards the expenses and Rs. 6,000 towards annual rent iagun- natfca Razu, the son of the former Potigar , was given Ragampatam area fme of rent. Rajanna was made to keep Ms family at Peddapuram for one year arid Ms brother was to attend on the Rajah of Peddapuram constantly. 57 The English did not attempt to bring these hill areas, viz. Gulgunda (Rampa), Jiddengy and Totapalli under permanent settlement for the fear of disturbances in the area which might not be quelled easily. 4 POLAVARAM ... . On the death of Venkatramuiu Devo, the Zamindar of Polavaram, the disturbances occured in these parts on account of the Zamindary being claimed by a number of heirs in 1771. 98 ‘ The Madras Council confirmed the Zamindary on Nagapathi Devo which caused incursions by Venkatrayudu who was also one of the claimants to Zamindary. 99 ' Venkatrayudu was a' chieftain of Kotapaili district. He fled from Kotapaiii before the English appeared there. 100 The District of Kotapaili was then added to Polavaram Zamindary. 101 : 96 Selections from the Records of the .Godavari Dist: Totapalli Estate Affair; Lr. from Madge at Shankharam to Wynch, Dl 6th Mar, 1771, pp. 63 to 65. 97 Ibid.; Lr. from Wynch to Governor, Dl 22nd Feb, 1771, p. 81. 98 Ancient Records in Godavari Collectorate.: Correspondence regarding the Polav¬ aram Zanundaiy- (1772-1790); Lr. from Masnlipatam to Fort Sl George, Dl 30th July, 1771. 99 Ibid.: Lr. from Madras to Massilipatam, Dl Nil April, 1773. 100 Ibid.: Lr. from Masiilipatam to 'Madras, DL 10th Aug, 1781. 101 ' Ibid.: Lr. from Masniipatam to Madras, Dl 1st July, 1781. ■ 146 Andhra Between The Empires 5. MOGIUTURRU Tirupathi Razu, the Zamindar of Mogilitturu under Rajahmundry Sarkar, was in revolt in 1787-1790 against the English. The Zamindary was rented out to one, B fcoopaiah, who was assisted by Ranga Razu and Venkata- pathi Razu. Thirupathi Razu carried out Ms rebellion by taking refuge in the forests of Bhadrachalam since Bhadrachaiam was falling beyond the juris¬ diction of the English. Thimpathi Razu was trying to unite the rebels against the English, but, his attempts proved futile and he was completely exhausted; so, he wished to return to his Zamindary if the English permitted him. The Madras Council permitted him to come back to his place provided he disbanded all his armed following. 102 The Madras. Council did not decide whether to sanction an allowance of 2145-12-59 Madras Pagodas per month, as claimed by the Rajah. 103 Besides, the Madras Government ordered to recover from Thimpathi Razu’s property the arrears due to the Company in the event of the Rajah’s death. 104 Meanwhile, the rebellion in Mogiliturru area was carried by one, Nailapa Razu Jagga Razu, Poiigar of Koppuram dependent on Mogilituiru. The English despatched a company of sepoys for service at Mogiliturru and warned al! the Zamindars, renters and inhabitants not to assist lagga Razu and directed them to seize the rebel and Ms armed people. 105 Taking advantage of the situation in the Carnatic, Nallappa Razu lagga Razu declared himself as 'a servant of Tippoo Sulthari. So, John Braithwite, the Manager at Eliore, requested the Council at Masullpatam to send more military assistance \o nip the .insurrection in bud 1 . 106 Conse¬ quently, Lt. R. Barclay was sent to Mogilitumi with a company of 26 Bataliion. 107 Lt. R. Barclay preferred the services of Bhoopaiah, the renter, and his men to search the houses in Koppuram for Nallappa Razu Jagga Razu, lest the inhabitants might, destroy their families to save their prestige and honour if Europeans were ordered to search the houses. 108 . Bhoopaiah’s men successfully dispersed lagga Razu’s men and 102 Ibid.: Lr. from Masulipatam to Madras, Dl I7th Feb, 1790. m Ibid.:, Lr. from Masatipatam to Manager-at Mogilitumi, Dt.5th July, 1790. m Ibid.; Lr. from Madras to Masulipatam, Dt. 15th Feb, 1791. 105 Ibid. ; Lr. from Masulipatam to Manager, Mogilitumi, Dl 1 st Feb, 1791, 106 Ibid.: Lr. from Eliore to Masulipatam, Dl 2nd Feb, 1791. . . 107 Ibid.: Lr. from Mogiliturru to Masulipatam, Dt 3rd Feb, 1791. 108 Ibid.: Lr. from Koppuram to Masulipatam, Dl 6th Feb, 1791. Native Resistance 147 secured the person of Jaggarazu who was wounded. 169 The whole village of Koppuram was set on fire and Jaggarazu was, later, brought to Penumada and he was kept a prisoner till he was released in 1793. 110 Thimpathi Razu*s adopted ml Venkatarama Razu, was to inherit his property on his death. But, the Madras Government disapproved the adoption and ordered seizure of all his property after his death. 111 Thirapa- fht Razu died in 1791. The Madras Government published that the Zam- indary of Mogiliturru was assigned to the Company by the late Rajah for liquidation of .arrears and since he left no legal heir, the Zamindary was merged in the Sarkar. 112 When the Zamindary was brought under the administration of the Collector, in 1795, the displaced renter, Bhoopaiah, rose in revolt against the English, with the help of Ashwa Rao, the Zamindar of. Palwancha and Bhadraehalam. The relatives of Bhoopaiah were seized by the Rajah of Kalaparti to secure the surrender of the rebel One, Galib Sahib, the Nawab of Khammam, offered his -services to seize the person of Bhoopaiah if he was given the assistance of European sepoys. 113 However, nothing was heard of Bhoopaiah after this offer. But, the disturbances continued for a long time in the region. ■6. GUNTUR SARKAR ' ' • ■ Though the English agreed to the retention of Murtuzanagar Sarkar by Basalat Jung during his life time, they were not satisfied with the arrangement since Guntur formed a continuous link between the other four Sarkars and the Government of Madras, They were anxious to obtain this Sarkar from Basalat Jung and opened negotiations with him in. 1772, but, the talks proved abortive. They were more worried when they found that Ranepant, the Diwan of Basalat Jung, was employing the French and other Europeans in Ms service contrary to the English interests. This was the real cause for strained relations between B.asalat Jung and the English. When Nizam All Khan, wrote a letter to Alexander Wynch of Madras Government to hand over one, 109 Ibid.: lx from Koppuram to- Masulipatam, Dt 9th Feb, 1791. 110 Ibid.: Lr. from Peramandle to Masulipatam, Dl .8th Feb, 1791; Dt. 9th Feb, 1791 and 10th Feb, 1791. 111 Ibid.: Lr. from Masulipatam to Ellore, Dt 2nd Nov, 1793. 112 Ibid.: Lr. from Madras to Masulipatam, Dl 23rd Aug, 1791. 113 Ibid.: Lr. from the Resident at Hyderabad to Fort Sl George, Madras, Dt. 25th Oct, 1795. 148 Andhra Between Ike Empires Vasareddy Ramaraia, the Zamindar of Nandi gama under the Sarkar of Mur- thuzanagar, the English refused to interfere in this matter, since the accused was staying peacefully with his brother and the English came to know of Ban spends anti-British activities through him. 114 Basalat Jung ordered Banepant to expel the Europeans particularly the French from the Sarkar and tried to make friendship with the English when he feared that Hvder All of Mysore might commit aggression against him. But, once again, the English had to protest against the employment of the French in the Sarkar. They requested Nizam All Khan to instruct Ms brother to expel the French from his service, lest, they might take over the Sarkar by force. 115 But, Nizam Ali Khan toed to appease the 'English to desist from any such action since Basalat Jung was keeping the French in order to control the powerful Zamindars under the Sarkar and that he had employed other European nationals also besides the French. However, he assured the English that he would warn his brother to disband the European contingent. 116 Nizam Ali Khan sought the assistance of the English against a Maratha chief, Mudhoji Bhonsle of Cuttack. Since the English did not respond to his request, he did not further press Ms brother, Basalat Jung, to disband the French contingent Take over of Guntur Sarkar Madras Governor, Thomas Rumbold, decided to take Guntur at any cost and his plan was approved by the Bengal Government. 117 An Agreement was signed by the English and Basalat Jung on Jan 27, 1779. 118 According to this agreement, the English rented the Sarkar of Guntur from Basalat Jung for a sum annually collected in the previous years and the English guaranteed 114 Records of Fort St, George : Country Correspondence (Milit Dept.) VoL21, Yr. 1772, p. 171; Lr.No.97 from Nizam Ali Khan to Wynch RecdBth May, 1772; Lr.No.99 to Nizam AH, Dt 21st May, 1772, pp. 171473. 115 Ibid.: Lr.No.lCX5 from Basalat Jong Reed. 14th lone, 1772, pp. 180, 181. 116 H.G. Briggs: The Nimm ,VoLI, p. 184; Yusuf Hussain Khan : Anglo Hyderabad Relations 1772-1828, Islamic Culture^ Jan,. 1953, XXVU; Basalat Jung was maintaing a French COTtmgeni under the Cacamai^ofLally. 117 Fbtxest: Selections from State Papers (Foreign Dept.) Vol.n, p. 271. 118 Aitduson: Treaties , Engagements andSanads : Vo!IX, No JV, p. 38; H.G. Briggs : The Nmm, VoLI,. p. 186. Native Resistance 1.49. protection to Basalat lung for which purpose a British contingent would be kept with him and the expenditure was to oe met from the rent of the Sarkar. In case the English needed an Indian contingent, Basalat Jung had to supply to them on their requisition. This reciprocal arrangement was made without the knowledge of the Nizam who strongly protested to such arrangement and even prepared himself for a war with the English. Thomas Rumbold was so haste in his action that he actually let out the Sarkar to the Nawab of the Carnatic for the coming ten years and appointed Sitharama Raza as theDiwan and sent a force on April 19,1779 under Capt. Harper to Guntur. The Supreme Court alleged that Rumbold, taking bribe from Sitharama Razu, had installed Mm as the Diwatt who was already deserted by his brotaer, Yijiarama Razu, the Rajah of Vizianagaram. So, Thomas Rumbold had to resign the Company’s service and left for England, in 1780. 119 ■ The Madras Council sent Holland to Hyderabad to entreat Nizam Ali Khan to approve of the take over of Guntur Sarkar and to remit the Peshcush due from the English to the Nizam on account of the Northern Sarkars. This infuriated the Nizam and he joined a confederacy with.Hyder AM, the ruler of the Carnatic (Mysore) and Marathss against the English. Holland conveyed these latest developments to Bengal, ami-recommended the restitu¬ tion of Guntur Sarkar to Basalat lung. Of late, Basalat Jung also appealed to the English to restore the Sarkar of Guntur to him, but,, the Madras Council, turned down the request of Basalat lung .and besides, this, the Council also .dismissed Holland from the service since he had communicated directly to the Bengal Council. But, he was later reinstated by the Bengal Council and the Bengal Council also directed.Madras to restore the Sarkar of Gunter--to. Basalat Jung immediately . 120 . The Madras Council was not willing to comply with the orders of the Bengal Government After a lapse of three months. President White Hill using the casting vote resolved to hand over the Sarkar of Gunter to Basalat lung. IMs had a .great impact on the Nizam-British relations, because Nizam Ali Khan. 'immediately withdrew from, the Confederacy and . joined .the 119 !/Fi^l^Wbo^zHm^MmA€ftMMadrmMeawds(t9(fT)€hiomtopczilAmah* p. XI; H.G. Briggs: The Nizam* VoLLp. 186; Mill: History of British India : Voi Jl, p. 4711. m I^WmkmReoords :CFbrdgpDepL)Selcttffld Ian, 1781, Bengal Select Cons.: VoL55; Lx. from Hollaed to Bengal, Dl 12ih May, p. 400; Lx. l^frme.pp. 421,426(ljr. from Bengal to HoBand^DL 12th Jane, 1780, jl 428; Lx. from Bengal to Holland, DOIst Dec, 1780, p. 500. Andhra Between The Empires accept to send a body of .horse, to assist the Company in the Carnatic whenever me v^umjjauy toicuuuaiisueulaeiones,loris.aiiG.ponsmine Sarkars. as., were. in their possession prior to the Treaty * 123 , . But Macartney totally disagreed with Hastings .and denied that .the grounds for retrocession, of Sarkars were not correct. m ' He, moreover, preferred the Sarkars to the Carnatic. However, the idea'of retrocession of. Sarkar.s,..once.and.for all, was abondoned. ^. m Lanka Sundaram: Op.ciL,JAHRS # VoLVI, Fm 2,2nd Oct, 1931,p. 116. ; m Fmt Wiliam Records : Msc. Series, Vol.246, pp. 183,187 & 188; Hastings to Guiles Suslik, Dl2o4 My 1781; Lanka Sondanan: Gp.dt, JAHRS, Voi. VI, Part 2, Oct, 1931 p. 117. 123 Ibid. m Mac Cwm&y to Hastings (Private Mo*3) DlUMi Aug, 1781, Home Miscellaneous Soles, YoL246» pp. 199-207. Native Resistance 151 strategic importance and due to its nearness to the port of Motupalli. But, to demand the cession of the Guntur Sarkar. The moment Cornwallis felt that he was free from the fear of Tippu, he sent Captain Kennaway to Nizam in My 1788, demanding the cession of consult Ms neighbours on the means of opposition,, Cornwallis also took care to see that Ms demand had sufficient force beMnd it with the necessary military preparations . 127 125 , Briggs : The Nizam,, VbL 1,0np. 1X» p. 192, m Sarojkl Regani: Op.cit, p. 143. m Ross: Cornwallis, VoL I, pp. 537 - 38. 152 Andhra Between The Empires Being left with no alternative, the Nizam ceded the Sarkar of Guntur to the English and sent Mr Alam alias Abdul Kasim to Calcutta, to settle the issue of arrears of tribute due to him . 13 After allowing for the revenues which had been irregularly collected from Guntur by the Nizam, the arrears due by the British Government were reduced to a sum of Rs. 9 , 16 , 665. 125 Coming to a verbal agreement with the Nizam’s deputy, Comawallis wrote a letter to the Nizam which was deemed equivallem to a Treaty, on July 7, 1789. This was declared ic be binding on die British Government as a regular treaty wherein a new interpretation was given to the article ¥1 of the treaty of 1768. The words In this article “wherever the situation of affairs will allow of such abody of troops to march Into Deccan”, should be understood : a mean, “whenever the Nizam should supply for it provided that It should not lx employed against any power In alliance with the British Government”. 130 The Nizam’s suggestions to mortgage a portion of Sarkars to ensure regular payment of tribute (Peshcush) .in future or to cede the Sarkars of Ellore and Murtuzanagar istead of money, were turned down and Ms claim of tribute on account of Carnatic Bslaghat was also-rejected on the plea that the said territories were In the possession of Tippu Sultan. 131 With the acquisition of Guntur 'Saxkar, the transfer of Northern Sarkars was complete and the question was never .afterwards raised by any of the two parties. But, Nizam All Khan was not reconciled with the loss of Guntur for a long time. He was very bitter for having lost a strategic place and the maimer in wMeh Guntur Sarkar was taken away from him created many apprehensions In the minds of Indian Princes that the British were aiming at weakening tlx position of every Indian Prince of some conse¬ quence. 132 m Sarojmi Regani : Op.ciL, p. 143. m C.U. Aidas® : Treaties* & Smmds, VoLIX, p. 3. ■. m p.4a ■ m I. Tatwy Wheeler: Hmdbmk ^/Madras Records (1907) VoLVII, MffiL Dept. Sawiris, pi 74. m Mecfceaz&s: Msg 1 V®D£VI,CM.ItaA aawig theprinces of kbdlzthzz wcterc a Jesse loeeMfaleeray power in com€Ctk®i wiUms”. Native Resistance 153 The Nizam also opened correspondence with the French Governor Cossigny at Pondicherry and sent emissaries ;o Tippn Sultan. But, the English were successful in winning him back to their side with a bait that the Carnatic Balaghat would be given to him after seizing this territory from Tippu Sultan. The Nizam entered lit:: ^Tripartite Alliance with the Maraihas and the English in 1790 against Tippu. The Nizam-British friendship was further cemented by the Subsidiary Treaty of 1300 by which the Nizam lost his external sovereignty. The death of the Nizam in 1303 had great impact in reducing the size of the Hyderabad State. The Nizam finally surrendered Ms claims to 'the nominal Peshcush of the Northern Sarkars to the British on Nov 4, 1823. 133 133 Sarojlni Regan!: Op.cit* p. 235. Seven BEGINNINGS OF THE RAJ After 'the expiry of Hass.an. AM’s tern of office as Amildar (for the English East India Company) of the Northern Sarkars, excepting Chicacole and Guntur Sarkars, the Madras Go vernment had decided to administer these Sarkars through, their provincial councils at Masulipatam and Vizagapatam. Since the primary interests of the Chiefs and their Councils at Masulipatam and Vizagapatam were commercial, they were incompetent to manage even the Haveii lands because they had no knowledge of the local affairs, country, people, produce etc. They did not know the regional language and they were dependent on Dubmhis (Interpreters). 1 Secondly, after the death of Aurangazeb, ‘not only the forms but even the remember- ances of civil authority seemed to be wholly lost’ in this region. 2 And the Government of the Nizam had hitherto been little more than nominal. So, the English East India Company experienced much difficulty in consolidating their authority in these Sarkars. Surprisingly enough, the villages were not much affected in any way while the transfer of power was taking place in the region on earlier occasions. The 'Village communities remained in exactly the same condition as they had been in from time immemorial. Each village constituted in itself a perfect whole. Unheeding the changes which may have taken place in the government above them, the cultivators of the ground quietly continued their avocations. They yoked their bullocks to the plough and followed them In their uneven course. They drew the scanty supply of water from the neighbouring stream or tank, and wrangled over the precious liquid. They sowed seed in the saturated soil and transplanted the tender spouts of the growing paddy. They gathered the .harvest and tendered their bullocks as they 1 Vizagapatam DM. Guide to Records (17694835), 1934, p.2. 2 Ytk Report of the select Committee* p. 211. Beginnings of The Raj 154 trod out the grain. The simple household routine went on as quietly and swiftly then as now. The women met at the village well, and joined in the petty gossip of the day. The only excitement occured on the occasion of some feast in their own or in a neighbouring village or of a journey to the festival at some sacred shrine. The village shop-keeper sat crosslegged behind his stone, and offered loans at an extravagant rate of interest. The village scribe and accountant was employed in writing the accounts on plain leaves, in drawing up the simple documents and bonds executed by the ryots and in assisting the village Magistrate in his rude administration of justice 'under the spreading branches of the village tree, where all trials were held and all business was transacted., The rent was paid by the heads of the village.in money or in kind and the villagers were seldom troubled in the smooth course of their existence, excepting when the Zamindar’s peons might make their appeamace to demand more.money on the occasion of some petty warfare or some extra-ordinary magnificent ceremonies in their master's house hold." 3 On account of the transfer of Sarkars to the Company, the Chiefs had two-fold functions, to supervise the commercial affairs of the Company and to carry out revenue and judicial administration of the country. The Court of Directors ordered the Madras Government to appoint a Committee .of Circuit in 1775 comprising of five members to “inquire into the state of Northern Sarkars by ascertaining, with .all possible exactness, the produce of the country, the number of inhabitants, the state of the manufac¬ turers; the fortified places, the military strength of each Rajah,, the Zamindar or land-holder, the expense of his household and troops and the means by which was he defraying those expenses. The gross amount of the revenues, the articles, from which they arose, the mode by which they were.collected and the charges of ‘Collections 9 The Court of Directors made it clear that they did not desire to .deprive the.Zamindars of their revenue but to ensure the collection of it without recourse to.volume. They expressed.,their' strong determination to protect the ryots from undue oppression and exaction. 4 * COMMITTEE OF CIRCUIT . Though the Committee was originally proposed in 1775, it was not constituted until 1777. This committee was, however, abolished owing to the 3 Godavari District M&nmial, pp. 246-47; Appendix to the report of the. Estates Land Act Committee, Appendix ID, p. 18. 4 Ibid.: pp. 246-7, Appendix to the Estates and Land Act .Committee: Appendix HI, p. 248. 156 Andhra Between The Empires differences between Thomas RumboM ire then Governor at Fort. St, George and the Count of Directors. Thomas Rumbold ordered the Zammaars to come to Madras tc make settlements, Among tine Zamradars who were called .Q Madras, Vijiarama Razu was die most prominent one. 5 Thomas Rumbold ill- treated and coerced the Rajah of Vizianagaram :o appoint Siiharama Razu as Ms Diwan . 6 7 Thomas Rumbold was dismissed by the Court of Directors in Ian 1781c for corrupt practices and also for having favoured Sitharama Razu. Soon after his departure to England, the Committee of Circuit was reconsti¬ tuted with William, Edward Saunders, Edward Frown and William Gram. They presented their report on Kassimkota Division of Chicacole Sarkar on June 22,1781. 8 The Committee appreciated the assistance ofVijiarama Razu in preparing the Report. The other Reports of the Committee suffered from .inadequate or false information from thtPoligars and Zamindars who for the fear of over assessment, did not cooperate with them. The Committee of Circuit had done a very good job for the Company. It had finished its work in 1788 excepting a few areas (mostly Haveiies) here and there. The Committee suggested the appointment of European .Superin¬ tendents in the Zammdary and Havali lands and the continuance of renting and subrenting of lands. It also suggested that the Government should take, as in prior times, a share of the crop in kind or a fair valuation of it in cash. 9 10 As a result of these recommendations William Oram was appointed as Superintendent of Revenue Inspection, he worked for a brief period. The findings of the Circuit Committee were useful only when the permanent settlement was initiated in these parte, in 1802. . While the Committee of Circuit was, still, collecting relevant infor¬ mation in the Sarkars. The Board of Revenue was constituted by the Madras Government on the. lines of its counterpart in Calcutta, in 1786. The Board of Revenue was vested with the superintendence of the whole administration, settlement and receipts of the revenue and the Chiefs and Councils in. Northern Sarkars were directed to correspond with it and obey its instruc¬ tions. 111 5 Mill: History of British India t VolJV, p.142. . 6 D.F. Cannidhael: Mammal ofVhagapatam District, p. 196, Committee of Secrecy (Second Report), 1781, Appendix 153. 7 Records of Fort St. George : Despatches to- the Court of Directors, Dl 10th Jan. 1781. 8 AMMmuMof VizagapatfflE,E)t ,p. 199. 9 Appendices to the report of the Estate Land Act Committee,. Appendix II, p. 18. 10 A MmmmM of ¥hagapatam f p. 199. imtructions dated lime 20,1786 with Alexander Davidson* Charles Oakeley, •speak that theZamindary was to be enjoyed so tong as the Zamlndar behaved 11 General reports of the Board of Reraise to Government Council sett to the Coot ' of Directors ftom 25th Sept, 1786 to Sh Oct, 1794, VoLl£ & 3-Report Dl 25th Sept, 1786, 158 Andhra Between The Empires well with his suzerain. The Sanads and Firmans granted to these Zamindars did not grant any proprietory right or any power to administer the affairs of the District or to dispense justice independent of his superior.’ 3 Further, the Board of Revenue found a number of irregularities in the system of Revenue collections. No distinction was made between the arrears and the current dues. The amount due each year was not settled till the succeeding year. Thus, exclusive of the old balances, a year’s revenue was always in airear. So, the Board directed that the debt of each Zamindar should be made up to the previous September and the amount carried to his account as ‘balance’ and that, hence forward, it should be regularly debited in a new account for his current revenue as the kists (instalments) became due. 14 The Board also realised that the additional assessment which was decided in 1778 was never collected from them even in part. So, a fresh enquiry to know the ability of the individual Zamindar was ordered. The Board had also felt that the extension of settlement with the Zamindars year to year was erroneous and it proposed a three-year term. The Zamindars were expected to come to Masulipatam for settlements. The Board also suggested coercive measures to realise the commitment. 15 Earlier, the Chief and Council at Masulipatam felt that the time was not ripe for permanent settlement with the Zamindars. The Madras Govern¬ ment was asked to introduce the permanent settlement of revenue on the lines of Bengal. But, the Council at Masulipatam opined that it was not advisable to determine on payment of revenues on permanent basis as it was necessary for the ryots or Zamindars to acquire a habit of considering themselves more immediately dependent on Government and that the authority of the Zam¬ indar should be better limited and defined. So, the Chief preferred calling all the Zamindars to Masulipatam to enter into temporary settlements. They also thought that "annual settlement was liable to draw the Zamindars too often from their estates and dissolve that bond of Union between the Company and themselves which they ought to respect”. Thus the Board of Revenue was of the opinion that the Zamindars should not hereafter consider themselves as a power when they deal with the Company and they (the Board) wanted to establish a new relationship between the Company and the Zamindars, hitherto unknown, that is the relationship of a master and servant. To achieve 13 Ibid. : ’ ' ' 7 14 Ibid.: Vol. I, pp. 10,16 & 22. 15 Ibid.: Yr.l871,Vol.I,p.22. Beginnings of The Raj 159 this, the Board felt that the armed forces of the Zamindars should be reduced first and this would enable the Company to implement the permanent assessment in the Sarkars. Besides this, the rights of the Zamindars to their Zamindaries should be abolished and the 'possessors brought to accustom themselves to a different mode of living. So, the introduction cf Permanent Settlement in Northern Sarkars was put off for the time being. 16 Hence, the Board of Revenue considered a via-media in suggesting the settlements for a term of 3 to 5 years and to restrain the Zamindars and 'under-renters from oppressing the ryots. The Council felt 'that the Zamindars could be able to pay two-thirds of gross revenue to the state and one-third was sufficient to meet their expenses. 17 On the above terms, the Settlements were made with the Zamindars and for tfa eH&velies* the European Superintendents were appointed for revenue administration. But, the year 1786 witnessed a calamitous situation in the Northern Sarkars. An unprecedented storm and inundation of the sea on the coast in the month of May of that year caused considerable loss of life .and property. Westcott, a member of the Board was appointed to enquire into the actual loss, who reported heavy loss in the Zamindaries of Peddapuram, Ramachan- drapuram and Kota in Godavari Districts. But, the Board felt that these Zamindars were not entitled to any remission of revenue in consequence of such accidental losses as such contingencies were not included in the terms and conditions of their tenure. 18 But, they only extended the time forpayment of dues. Again in 1791, the area was under the grip of a famine and the whole of the land was laid waste, but no record of losses.of each Zemindar was ■ maintained. However, the Board had allowed one-fifth remission to the Zam¬ indars. 19 . . Since the establishment .of Board of Revenue which had employed coercive measures to realise the dues from the Zamindars irrespective of the natural calamities.prevailing, in the region, a steady increase in the annual, collections was made possible.' But, the increase in the gross collections had been quite nominal. 16 Appendices to the Estates Land Act Committee Report, 1871, Appendix II* p. 255. 17 'Ibid.' , . 18 General Report to the Governor in Council from 'the. Board of Revenue, Dl 8th Oct, 1787 as appended to the Report of the Estates Land Act Committee,, Appendix III, p. 23. 19 Ibid. : AppendixI,p. 257 .... . t . ' Andhra Between The Empires of the Board of Revenue by removing the bottleneck in the administration in * Esiral^AaGnmiitfce: Appendix m,p. 54 . Beginnings of The Raj 161 the shape of regional Councils. The territory w ncr Vixagapatum was made three divisions: 1) South Division containing Vizianagaram 2) Central Division .containing Vizagapatam ana Xasimkoia and 3) North Division with Kimidi and Tekkali. Hie Godavari District under Masnlipatam Council which was constituted by the earner sarkars of Rajahmundry, Elicre and Mustaphanagar, was made three divisions and the Masulipatam farms and Guntur Sarkars (Excepting Painad which was under the Nawab of Arcot) were constituted as separate divisions. 21 the permanent settlement in northern sarkars The Court of Directors were, all the time, insisting on the introduction of Permanent Assessment in the Northern Sarkars. So, Lord Wellesley directed the Madras Presidency in 1798, to introduce “the Bengal System of Revenue” in the Northern Sarkars. Consequently, the Madras Government constituted a special committee to report on the feasibility of adopting such system. The Committee submitted its report in September 1799 and opined that“ the new system should be introduced at once but with a difference. In Bengal, the whole territory was in the hands of Zamindars at the time of permanent settlement but, in Northern Sarkars, major portion was under the direct management of the Company.’* 22 So, the Board of Revenue recom¬ mended that the Havelies should be formed into Estates or Mootahs yielding a revenue of 1000 to 5000 pagodas annually. These estates should be sold or granted to 'individuals who should be called “Proprietors * This recom¬ mendation was approved by the Madras Government. The Governor General, while approving the above proposal, restricted the rights of the Pro¬ prietors so that they would not override the rights of the ryots and the future legislations. 23 The Board of Directors. warned that “the spirit of rebellion and ■ insubordination in the Northern Sarkars should be suppressed .and ail subordinate military establishments were to be annihilated—the Countries were to be brought to such a state of subjection as to acknowledge and submit to the principle that they might be indebted to the beneficent -and wisdom of the British Government for. every advantage they were to receive, so, jit like manner, they must feel indebted solely to its protection for the continuance and enjoyment of them.” 24 21 Records of Board of Revenue: Report of the Estates Land Act Committee* Appendix . HI, pp. 54,260. 22 Ibid.: p.275. 23 General Reeport of the Board of Revenue, VoL V, p. 104; VoLVI, pp. 70, 145. 24 V. Report of the Select Committee, p. 309. 162 Andhra Between The Empires Lord Wellesley paid Ms personal attention to this matter. He came to Madras and presided over the Madras Council and passed orders to the Board of Revenue for the introduction of the new system in Northern Sarkars. 25 The Collectors were ordered 26 to get the settlement based on a “principle of permanancy” calculating on “equitable and moderate” terms with regards to the “resources of a district” combining “its present state and probable improvement” and such fixation should be declared” unalterable”. For fixation of assessment, the Collectors ordered to take the Reports of Circuit Committee as basis. The Collectors were also provided v Ith the details of collections for the past 13 years. After the settlement was done, each zamindar 'was to get a Paiiah and ryot, in turn, would be granted a Pattah by &e Zamindar. Hie Madras Government had instructed 27 the Collectors how they should implement the system. The objects of Permanent settlement were to constitute the Zamindars, proprietors of their estates, to make them respon¬ sible for the revenue and to ensure security to person and property. Since the ancient tenure of the Zamindars was ? so precarious as scarcely to convey an idea of property in the soli, the assessment was arbitrary and fluctuating and many Zamindaries, overwhelmed with arrears, have come into the Collectors ’ s hands”. The new system, was designed to stimulate industry and promote agriculture. The new assessment would exclude receipts from Salt, Bayer and Abkari. Government would, pay all allowances to revenue and village officers. The uncultivable arable lands and the waste lands, would be given to Zamindar free of any additional assessment But, the Zamindar’s private lands, would be considered as Government lands and so they were to .be assessed. In case of default, a portion of‘Zamindary might be sold for the realisation of arrears of revenue. Since the Zamindar was declared proprietor, of the land, he had the right to transfer Ms lands by sale or gift or otherwise in accordance with the. * Hindu or Muslim law. The Haveli lands were to be formed as Estates yielding 1000 to 10,000 pagodas annually and sold as Zamindaries. 25 Wellesley's Despatches, Voi II, p. 248. 26 Vizagapatam District Records- Vol. 821,pp.l-49» Boards Instructions to Collectors regarding the Permanent Settlement with the Zamindars year 1799 (Pub. 1932) Lr. Addressed by the Board to Collectors with a government order from Fort St. Gerge, Dt, 4th Sept, 1799 to the Board. 27 Beginnings of The Raj 163 According to the permanent settlement, the Zamindar had to collect one-half of the total produce of the ryot and out of his collections, the Zamindar had to pay two-thirds as peshcush retaining one-third for Ms expenses and enjoyment Besides these instructions xha Madras Government had appointed a special Commission on. Feb 9,1802 to look into the business of arranging the settlement of a permanent land revenue by applying the material collected by the collector under the above instructions. The special Commission was discontinued on September 12, 1803 after much of the work was finished leaving the remaining districts to the Board of Revenue for settlement. Thus, Northern Sarkars were settled on Me lines of Bengal, between T 802 and 1804. 28 The Effects of Permanent Settlement The Permanent Settlement .aimed at inducing the, then existing Zam- indars and Poligars to acquiesce in the loss of their military power and to become obedient subjects of the Company.. The Permanent Settlement, in Madras was a complete success. The realisation of public revenue was fairly satisfactory since it was collected with greater stead.in.ess and regularity. But,., the settlement had an adverse effect in the Northern Sarkars. As early as 1807, it was felt that the principles of Permanent Settlement were erroneously applied and it needed revision. Since 1812, the deficiencies in collections in the Districts of Vizagapaiam and Godavari occured. S4 The errors of the assessment by which a sufficient profit was not left to the Zamindary to whom the lands had been conveyed to enable them, to fulfil the engagement into which they had entered and the rents of ryots having been left at too high scale, and the ignorance of speculators without stock and. capital who pur¬ chased the estates, contributed to its failure.” 29 The Board of Revenue in its minutes dated Jan 5,1818, opined “the error was in over assessment but not in any other part of the Plan,” They felt Mat the failure was not due to erroneous principles. 30 , 28 Report of the Estates Land Act Committee: Appendix IV, p. 28. 29 Ibid.: pp, 37 t 38. 30 Ibid. 164 Andhra Between The Empires The gross revenue collection 31 as received at Madras Presidency were as follows 1805 - 06 Rs. 2,38,27,063 1814 -15 Rs. 2,40,67,512 1829 - 30 Rs. 2,26,46,797 The previous Chiefs and Councils were, ofcourse, corrupt, .and received bribes from the Zamindars, but they did not interfere with, the local administration except when the Company servants or weavers were in¬ volved? 2 The appointment of Collectors to superintend the revenue collections and administer the division, and the reduction of Zamindars to a position of mere landholders (proprietors), had a drastic effect on the governance of the country. No consideration was given to the character of those ancient Zamindars which rendered it impossible, to expect that an aristocracy so rude and powerful should at once conform tnemseives to the exigencies of the new system. The Zamindars, in the opinion of The English, were “indolent, igno¬ rant, superstitious, expensive, dissipated, haughty, suspicious of Sarkar officers” and they considered themselves “rather tributary Chiefs than common subjects”. Intrigues, injuries .and sometimes insults, produced naturally the most violent effects on such men. ‘Tear and suspicion particularly, and some times anger, take possession of them, ’they, then do something desperate, and must be considered mad. a wise government must, if possible prevent such explosions,” 33 The Chiefs, in fact, were never subdued. The authority of the English in the Sarkars in general, and Vizagapalam District in.particular, had always teen weak and corrupt. Owing to the Permanent settlement, the agency of the Zamindars through which they were governing the country, was set aside unceremoniously and their estates were declared liable to immediate attach¬ ments and sale on default of a single instalment of the public demand; a new government police substituted for the ancient institution and civil and. criminal courts were set up with “more complicated processes, which gave room to various, vexations and hardships” unknown in the “good old days.” 34 31 Ibid. p. 40. 32 Wellesley's Despatches, Vol. I, p. 223. 33 Mammal of the district ofVimgapatam in the Presidency of Madras t p. 227. 34 Ibid.: p. 228 Beginnings of The Raj 165 The establishment of Civil courts, and tie reduction of Zamindars to mere “proprietors” of land had resulted In a number of civil suits owing to divisions and subdivisions of their estates. The Zamlndarles, hitherto, been very powerful, had been reduced negligible status. In this regard, the districts of Krishna and Guntur were the worst affected. The Collector was made a magistrate only in 1816. Till that time, he had duties and obligations without any means to perform them. He was a stationary officer, but his daroghas (inspectors) and peons were causing oppression. These daroghas were generally “low men such as cutwals (Kotwals), turned off writers, duboshees and butlers, the drags of the courts and cutchury , their peons good for nothing batta peons.... sending such men to Zamindars was like a dozen London attorney clerks with some Bowstreet runners to the Highlands of Scotland to control those proud chiefs and establish a good police in that country.” The Zamindars were irritated with the petty tyrannies of these daroghas. They were in “chronic state of discontent and disaffection”, unhappily also, they were as poor as they were proud. This caused much cMsturbance in the region, and the attempts to maintain law and order against the turbulent chiefs were not totally success¬ ful. As usual, the Zamindars were neglecting the payment of Kists? s In the district of Vizagapatam, the introduction of Permanent Settle¬ ment was described as “Permanent resignation of power” since the ,7am - indars, though they were deprived of police junctions n ominall y, were left with the management of the revenue; the true source of information and influence was therefore, handed over to them in permanency. The Chiefs in these districts were, always, treated by former governments as feudatories rather than as mere Za m i n dars, they were expected to keep the hill tribes in order, and had therefore always paid a light Peshcush. While the permanent Peskcush was fixed, the English were wise enough to tax them lightly "but the changes in other respects which transferred them, at one sudden, bound, from the political to the judicial department...resulted in anything but benefit to themselves or to the cause of law and order for the succeeding quarter of a century atleast”. 36 , So, in CMcacole Sarkar the system was a complete failure and the lands were reverted to the Government and the system of “agency” was introduced in the District The Collector acted as Agent to the Governor with extraordinary powers .in his hands. 35 Mammal of the district ofVizagapatam in the Presidency ofM.adras r p. 229. 36 Ibid.: p.227. 166 Andhra Between The Empires But the Government contended that the superintendence of collec¬ tions had been excellent and the Company had no need to use force to realise the payments. So, fraud or embezzlement of public funds did occur when money was spent for the repairs of .reservoirs. Owing to the establishment of regular law courts, the rights of the ryots were not safeguarded. The new system had confirmed and upheld their rights in a manner which was unknown before the British rule. The failure of the system in some districts was only due to erroneous application of the principles. They, however, agreed that the general error for the failure of system in Bengal was under assessment, but here the case was otherwise. 37 Another cause for its failure, according to the Board of Revenue, was that the demand of the state was limited in perpetuity while the expenses of Government continued undefined and unlimited. So, they felt that some advantages might be obtained by limiting the demand of the Government for a long but definite period in place of the Permanent Settlement. 38 Though the English claimed partial success in some places atleast, the objective of the system as the Court of Directors, were optimistic in the beginmning that “it contained in its nature a productive principle and would stimulate industry, promote agriculture, extend improvement, establish credit and augment the general wealth and prosperity” 39 was, however, totally lost beyond any doubt. 37 Appendices to the Estates Land Tax Act, Appendix IV, pp. 38,39. 38 Ibid. 39 Board's Instructions to the Collectors on Permanent Settlement with the Zamindary 1799, p. 10. Eight CONCLUSION The study of political dynamics of a micro region, .Andhra, during a transitory period may not allow us to draw a convincing conclusion on 'the contemporary political scenario. However, certain hypothetical formula¬ tions may be attempted on the beginnings of colonial rule and Its rammifica- tions. This academic exercise may enable us to correlate them to the developments In other regions and to form 'the basis for further enquiry. Andhra was ruled by a number of dynasties from outside its region fairly wide spaced between one another over the historical period. But 'the period under study is significant because the political power changed hands from the natives to a foreign trading company. The interplay of the local and external political forces, thus, offers an interesting study to observe the political process through which the real transfer of power was effected. I Andhra region seemed always under pressure from the rising dynas¬ ties In the hinter land. The Gajapathis of Orissa to its north, the Choias from its South, the Kakatiyas and Qutb shahis from its west competed with the other contemporary dynasties to subjugate and bring the region under their direct control during the medieval times. The Qutub shahi rule over Andhra contributed to the economic development in the spheres of industry and trade since their rule continued, for more than one and a half centuries through a well-knit administrative net work. They brought the region under their firm control, by instituting the Zamlndary system to look after the revenue administration, justice and law The Zamindars were granted personal jagirs either for life or on hereditary basis for their loyal service to the state. However, these Zamindars were .also 168 Andhra Between The Empires kept under the regular surveillance of hie state officers such, as Amildars , Nawabs, Naibs , Qmlledars. The internal peace and the absence of consid¬ erable external threat promoted economic growth and congenial circum¬ stances were prevailing in the region for overseas trade on a large scale. Therefore, European settlements were set up on the Coast paving way for a fruitful interaction between the local chiefs and the officials of various European companies trading with the East. The prominent Zamindary houses in the region developed intimate friendship with the Europeans to facilitate their personal trade. Costly gifts of rarities were exchanged between them in mutual interest. These Zamindars and officials were also procuring favourable audiences at the Court for the Europeans. The nmm made on the suggestions that the Subedar was planning to visit those parts for - . h .. Conclusion 169 Through repression and coercion, the region was, once again, brought under the direct control of the Nizam I. Though the ancient Zamhdaries were confirmed to the respective houses nod their privileges were intact. The region suffered from the arbitrary fine of the Nawabs and their deputies. Again, the death of the Nizam I revh cathe hopes of these Zamindars to enjoy autonomy. They cultivated friendly relations with the Europeans, particu¬ larly the French and the English through whom they expected to procure ammunition, weapons etc. Ill The English and the French companies became bitter rivals' compet¬ ing for more advantageous trade concessions in the South. Besides this, both the European nations were engaged in frequent wars in Europe which also reverberated in their colonies. Even though they were at peace in India, the international situation was causing disturbances in their colonies. However, the First Nizam was able to check their ambitions and from time and again warned them not to wage war in Ms territory. He successfully kept them at a distance .from his court. But Ms death in 1748 resulted in a war of succession and the political instability prepared a favourable ground for the English and French to interfere in the local affairs by taking sides with the rival factions. The French influence reached its heights during the rule of Muzaffar Jung though he was replaced immediately and were also confirmed by Ms successor. The new Nizam granted Northern Saxkars (Andhra) to Col. Bussy as Ms personal jagir towards the expenses of .the French contingent retained by the Nizam. TMs arrangement sowed the seeds for policy of subsidiary .alliance adopted by the English after the fall of Mysore. The rise of the French power in Deccan became an eyesore to the English who were waiting for an opportunity to strike at the French predomi¬ nance. Bussy’s visit to the Andhra region-for revenue collections helped Vijiarama Raju (Elder) of Vizianagaram to settle Ms score with Ms traditional, enemy, Ranga Rao of Bobbili. Bussy expressed Ms unhappiness to Vijiar¬ ama Raju for involving Mm in such a devastating battle. Vijiarama .Raju was also slain soon after the battle by one of the close relatives of 'Rang Rao. Thus, the battle reduced both the powerful Zamindaries. to the state of dependency. 170 Andhra Between The Empires w Ananda Rajn succeeded Vijiarama Raju to the Vizianagaram Zam- indar. He was not happy with the arrangements made by the French in the Sarkars ignoring his preferences and interests. He corresponded with Madras and Bengal Councils to help him with an English contingent to expel the French from the sarkars. Thus, he wanted to unite the entire Andhra region upto Masulipatam under his sway independent of the Nizam. Ananda Raju turned the table in favour of the English and Clive was shrewd enough to take advantage of this proposal. Ananda Raju was assisted by Col. Forde to expel the French from the Sarkars. However, the English outwitted Manila Raju with their superior diplomatic talents. The English came to terms with the Nizam and handed over the sarkars to the Nizam and forced Ananda Raju tc restrict himself to the CMcacole sarkar. Thus, the lone attempt of Ananda Raju in founding an independent state in the Andhra region met with a crashing defeat. As the region was cleared of the French and the French influence waning even in. Europe, the English rose to a predominant position in India both in Bengal, and in the Carnatic as well. ¥ The English procured a Mughal grant for the Northern Sarkars from he Emperor Shah AJam knowing prettily that 'the Emperor had no jurisdic¬ tion over the Andhra. The English took this opportunity to feel the pulse of the ruling class in the region who readily responded to the publication of the grant by the English. But the English did not want to displease the Nizam and waited patiently till 1768 when he offered these sarkars to the English on the condition that they, support Ms cause against the Marathas.. Thus, Northern sarkars were transferred to 'the English with the connivance of the Nizam’s aeputy, Hassan All Khan, who was instrumental in building the British empire in India. Northern Sarkars became the first ever region regarding which the English could justify their claim on legal grounds. The transfer of the sarkars had far-reaching effect on the Nizam’s State which became a land¬ locked country. With the loss of Andhra region, the Nizam had become a virtual prisoner surrounded by the English dominion. All Ms attempts to get back Ms sarkars on some pretext or the other failed. Conclusion 171 VI The takeover of the Norther* ; irkars was not a smooth affair for the English. Even those Zamindars who were friendly with the English were also harbouring suspicion. The Nizam’s deputy, Hasssn All Khan, was discarded unceremoniously after three years when the English took the entire region under their direct control through the Europear officials. The tribal chiefs were the first to express their resentments against the English. The heroic resistance of the tribal chiefs led by Juggappa of Totapaliy Estate had its telling effect on the English policy towards the tribals. The tribal chieftains were exempted from the payments of usual peshcusk and other nazaramis. The English contingents tasted bitter reverses in subduing them. Therefore, the English pursued an appeasement policy towards the tribal estates. Vijiarama Raju (Younger) and Ms brother Sitarama Raju of Vizian- agaram who were responsible to a great extent for the expansion and consolidation of the English power over Andhra region also realised their folly. Vijiarama Raju led the other chiefs of Chicacole region against the English. The Battle of Padmanabham decided the destiny of the English possessions in India while 'the native chiefs proved no match to the superior artillery of the European contingent. The English pursued a vigilant policy towards the native chiefs and initiated efforts to demilitarise them on the plea that there was no need for any native sibbendy for .them to collect revenue from their estates because the English would help them -in the realisation of their dues.. The demilitarisation of native estates had removed the threat to the British power from within. Further, the disbanded sibbendy had become a menace to the native chiefs as 'they lost their employment .and could not be rehabilitated in .any other .remunerative occupation. vn While demilitarising the Zamindars, the English pursued a consistant policy to reduce ;their. influence in their estates through over assessment of peshcusk.- Initially they appointed Hassan All Khan, former Amildar of the Nizam, for three years to oversee the collections from the estates and the Haveli lands as the English were not prepared to take the administration directly into their hands. Later, the English managed the affairs through the Councils at Yizagapatam and Masnlipatam. To acquaint themselves with the local affairs, the Circuit Committees made extensive survey of the Northern 172 Andhra Between The Empires Sarkars. Hie reports prepared by these Committees formed the basic Information for the Presidency Government to revamp tne administrative setup in their territorial possessions. The Board of Revenue at the Presidency and the Collectors in the districts took over the revenue administration as a beur acratle model and soon the Councils disappeared from the scene. The Councils because of their earlier relations with the local gentry, were charged, for their lenient attitude towards them .in collecting dues. The new system of the Coilectorates treated the Zamindars as land owners and created mootahs out of Haveli lands giving place to new renters in the setup. Though the Zamindars were demilitarised, they still continued to enjoy certain immunities as it was not possible for the Collectors to summon them to their headquarters in case they failed to clear the demand. Therefore, the Collectors were granted magisterial powers to s umm on the Zamindars to their courts and to award penalties for the non payment of revenues. Though permanent settlement was. introduced in the sarkars after a lot of procrastination by Madras Presidency, the basic principles of the new settlement were already implemented after the Circuit Committees submit¬ ted their reports. The peimanenl settlement mined the ancient Zamindaries which were auctioned a number of times to realise the dues after pensioning off the heirs. Soon permanent settlement proved counter productive in ail respects. As the Zamindars were acknowledged with property rights, their Zamindar¬ ies fell in unending litigations In the new courts established for the purpose. Besides the new judicial system, the permanent settlement also introduced a new system of police administration to .aid and assist, the civil authorities. In a span of two decades, the English Government stabilised itself in the sarkars with a firm grip over agriculture and industry. ¥111 The analysis of political developments in Andhra during the eight¬ eenth century would reveal the weakness of the native administration to foresee the impending peril which shook the entire edifice of local systems giving place to a colonial structure. Conclusion 173 The Zamlndars and other important functionaries on the Coast helped the English to establish themselves at the cost of the native ruler, the Nizam, but they realised their short-sightedness only when the nooses were tightened around their necks through a well-thought-out and neatly executed policy of the English Government. A closer examination of the English rule in the Sarkars would reveal that all the seeds of colonialism had germinated during the early decades of nineteenth century. The Andhra region became the laboratory of political and administrative experiments which were later applied to the entire Brit¬ ish dominions in India. Thus, Andhra served as the launchings pad of British imperialism. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY I. UNPUBLISHED RECORDS Board of Revenue Records - Madras - Miscellaneous Minutes of the Board - Volume 97/A, Country Correspondence - Military and Miscellaneous Department from 1700 -1800. Fort St David Records - Public Consultations - from 1740 to 1745. Kaifiyads - Meekenzie’s Kaifiyads of Guntur, Rajahmundry, Ganjam, Vizianagaram, Bobbili, Mogultur. Memoir - Memoir of Survey of Guntur Sarkar (1815). Records of Fort St. George - Consultations - Public Department from 1700 to 1800. Reports - John Hodson’s Report cm Peddapore Zamindary, Dated : 23rd November, 1805. Vi,zagapatam Factory - Consultations - Volumes 3681, to 3689. EL PUBLISHED RECORDS Appendices to 'the Report of Estate’s Land Act Committee, Year, 1871 (1872). Fort St. George Records -.Correspondence to.Fort. St. George from Vizagapatam Council - Year 1712,. Volume 13 (Madras. Records Office, 1932). . Fort St George Records - Sundry Correspondence, Volume 15 and 16, Year 1719 and 1723 (MEdras':ReGpzds : 0£5 Selected Bibliography 175 Henry Dodwell: Calendar of Madras Despatches: Volume 1 & II for the years 1740-44; 1744 to 1755 & 1755-1765. James Grant: Political Survey of the Northern Sarkars - Volume Ill Appen¬ dix 13 of V Report of the Select Committee on the Affairs of the East India Company (1784). • Land Revenue Policy of the Indian Government: Published by Governor General of India in Council Calcutta; Superintendant of Government Print¬ ing India, 1920. Manual of the District ofVizagapcttam in the Presidency of Madras, Com¬ piled and Edited by D.G. Carmichael, M.C.S., Agent at Ganzam, (1869) Manual of the district of Godavari : A Descriptive and Historical. Ac¬ count of the Godavari District in the Presidency of Madras : Complied by Henry Morris. London (1878). Manual of the Krishna District in the Presidency of Madras, complied by Gorden Mackenzie (1883) Prakasm Committee Report, 1938. Records of Fort. St. George: Country Correspondence, Military Department from 1752 to 1758. (n.k.)* Records of Fort. St. George: Country Correspondence Public Depart¬ ment from 1740 to 1751. (mk.)* Selections from the Records of Board of Revenue (Land Revenue) 1909. Selections from the Records of Krishna District Selections from the Records of the Godavari district - Report of ike Thota - palli Estate from 8th April 1770 to 12th March 1771 (Kakinada -1912). The Circuit Committee Report of the Accounts of the Zamindars dependent on Masulipatam, dated 15-12-1787 : Madras Records of Office: (1914). The Circuit Committee Report of the Kasimkota Division of the CMcacole Sarkar: Dated 11-10-1784. Madras Records Office (1932). : : 176 Andhra Between The Empires The Circuit Committee Report on Nuzividu and Charmahal , Dated: 9th February, 1786: Madras Records Office (1914). The Circuit Committee Report on Vizagapatam and Ckicacole Districts : Dated. 12-9-1784: Madras Records Office (1915). Vizagapatam District Records - Volume 821. (n.L)* Wellesley's Despatches - Volumes I and II (n.k.)* Zamindari Committee Report (Published by Andhra Congress Committee (in Telugu) Komandmu Sathakopa charyulu, (Masulipatnam, 1939) DDL ARTICLES Lanka Sundaram: British. Beginnings in Andhra, Triveni f November, 1928. ■-* Revenue Administration of Northern Sarkars: Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society , Volume VI to XU (from Oct 1931 to My 1938) . . R. Subba Rao: Some Aspects of the History of Northern Sarkars : (1724-1744), Proceedings of Deccan History Congress (1945). Selected Bibliography in Sadasiva Shastry, V. Svska Chalapathi Razu, M.B. Srirama Murthy, G, Veerabhadra Rao, Ch. Veereshalingam Venkateswarlu Tirupathi Vikramadeva ¥arma Ardhraula Chariihramu (1913) Pala ,uyakuiamu Varu ( 1903 ) Sri Ramvamsiya Charithra ; 1902 ) Andhrula Charitra (1910) . iCtive States and their Princes ( 1896 ) GmiumSeemaPurva Charithra (Purva Rangarm) ( 1913 ) Kalingadesharm ( 1925 ) V. BOOKS (English) AiteMson, C.U. Ambirajan Auber, Peter Beaglehole, T.H. Bearce, George Bhaft.V.V. . Account of the War in India (njL) Treaties t Engagements and Samads: Vol.IX, 'Government Press, Calcutta (1909). Classical Political Economy and British Policy in India t New Delhi 1978. Rise and Progress of the British Power in India,.WM. Allen & Co., London (1837) Thomas Munro and The Development of the Administrative Policy in Madras 1792-1818, Cambridge. 1966. British Attitudes towards India 1784- 1858, Oxford, 1961. .Aspects of Economic Change and Policy in India 1800-1960. 178 Andhra Between The Empires Dhires Bhattacharya Dodwell, H. Butt, R.C. Dull, RT. Forde, Col Lionel Forrest, G.W. Foster, William Fraser, Hastings. Frykenberg, Robert E. Gleig, G.R. Grlbble, JJDJL Gupta, Sulekh Chandra Habib, Man HoUingberry, W. Hussain Khan, Y. .4 Cornice History ofThe Indian Economy 1750-1950. Arnnda Ranga Piliai’s Diary, Vols. 12, Government Press, Madras (1920) Dupleix and Clive , ffe Beginning of the Empire, London (1923) The Indian Empire 1858-1918 with Chapters on the Development of Ad¬ ministration 1818-1858 The Cambridge History of India, VoLVL Economic History of British India , Third Edn. (1908) Famines and Land Assessment in India, 9 Reprinted in Delhi, 1985. India To-day, second edition, 1979 Lord Clive's Right HandMan, A Memior of Col. Francis Forde,London (1910), Bengal and Madras Papers, 3. Vols., Imperial Records, Calcutta (1928) The Life of Lord Clive, Vols. 2, Lodon, 1918. England in Ques t of Eastern Trade , Pio¬ neer History Series (n.k.) Our Faithful Ally , The Nizam , London (1918) A History of Local Influence and Central Authority in South India. (With special reference to Guntur) 1788-1848, Claren¬ don Press,1965. His troy of the British Empire, in India, 4 Vols., London (1841) A History of the Deccan, 2 Vols, London, (1924) AgrarianRelationsandEarlyBntishRule in India, Bombay, 1963. The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707) Bombay, 1963. The History of Nizam Ali Khan, Calcutta, (1805) , Nizom-ul-Mulk, Asaf Jah I, Manglore (1936) ■ Selected Bibliography 179 Irvine, William Iyengar, 8.K. Iyengar, Sundararaya Love, HD. Lucy, S. Malaviya, Pandit Mahan Mohan Malcolm, John Malleson, G.B. Mamoria, C.B. Martinean, A. (Translated by A.. Cammiade) Mecleans, CD. Mil and Wilson Msra, B.B. Mukharjee, Nilamani Marayana Swamy Naidu, B.B. Grnie, Robert Powell, Baden Raghava Iyangar, S.S. Ramana Rao, A.V. Later Mughals, edited by J. Sarkar, VoLI & 11(1922) Historical Inscriptions of South India ‘ "28-1805, Madras (1950) Land Tenures in Madras Presidency, London, 1812, VolU, 1919. Vestiges of Old Madras, 3 Vols., .Indian Record Series, (1918 to 1925) East India Company in 18th Century Politics (1952) Economic Decline in India, Madras, . 1918. ' Ufe of Lord Clive, 3 Vols., London, (1836) History of the French in India Eding- burgh (1909) The Decisive Battles of India 1746-1840, London (1914) Agricultural Problems of India , Allahabad, 1973. Bussy in the Deccan (Being Extracts, from Bussy and the French: India) Manual of the Administration of Madras Presidency , Madras, 1885. The History of British India , London (1858) -The AdnunistrativeHistory of India 1834- 1947, London 1911. . The Ryotwari System in Madras, Calcutta, 1965. Economic Conditions of Madras in 18th Century (nJk.) History of the Military Transactions of ike British Nation in Industan, 3 Vols, Madras (1861 & 1862) The Land Systems of British India, 3 Vols.. Oxford (1892) Memorandum on the Progress of the Madras Presidency during ike Last Forty: Years of British Administration, Madras, 1893. Economic Development of Andhra : Pradesh 1958, Bombay.: 180 Andhra Between The Empires Ray, P.C. Reddi, M.P.R. Richard Bute Russel, Francis Sarada Raju, A. Sarojini Regani Sayana, V.V. Sen, Sunil Sherwani & Joshi, P.M. Siddiqui Abdul Majid Spate, O.H.K. & Learmonth, A.T.A. Srinivasa Chary, C.S. Ranga Rao, S Taraporewala Thomer, D. Venkata Rangayya, M. Wheeler, T. Wilson, HU. Indian Famines - Their causes and Rem¬ edies, Calcutta 1901. Peasant and State in Modern Andhra History , Vijayawada, 1986. Cambridge History of India , Vol IV (1937) A Short History of the East India Com¬ pany (nJc.) Economic Conditions in the Madras Presidency 1800-1850. Nizam-British Relations (1962) Agrarian Problems of Madras, 1949, Madras. Agrarian Relations in India- 1793-1947, People’s Publishing House, New Delhi, 1979. History of Medieval Deccan, Vol. I & n, Government of Andhra Pradesh (1973)’ History of Golcundah, First Edn. (1956) India and Pakistan - A General and Regional Geography, Great Britain 1950. Ananda RangaPillai(l940) Account of the Bobbili Zaminadry, 2nd Edn., Madras (1907) Fort William - India House Correspon¬ dence, India Records Series (1949) Agrarian Prospects in India. TheFreedomStruggleinAndhraPradesh (Andhra), Void, 1800-1905, A.D 1965, Hyderabad. Madras in Olden Times, Madias (1882) Early Records of British India, London, 1878. TalesfromlndianHistory, Calcutta, 1819. AGlossary ofJudicial andRevenueTerms and Useful Words in Official Documents relating to the Administrations of British India, London, 1855, Reprint, Delhi 1968. * n-k- The year of publication is not known since the cover pages were missing.